FRQM THE LIBRARY OF
TP^TTY COLLEGE
TOROJHTO
Replacement from The Leonard Library Wycliffe College 1999
c/ e //, Cornish //-r.$T
BOM'S ECCLESIASTICAL LIBRARY.
HISTORY OF THE CHURCH.
BY
SOZOMEN AND PHILOSTORGIUS.
ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY
OF
SOZOMEN,
COMPRISING A
HISTORY OF THE CHURCH,
FROM A. D. 324 TO A. D. 440.
TRANSLATED FROM THE GREEK: WITH A MEMOIR OF THE AUTHOR.
ALSO
THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY
or
PHILOSTORGIUS,
AS EPITOMISED BY
PHOTIUS, PATRIARCH OF CONSTANTINOPLE.
TRANSLATED
BY EDWARD WALFORD, M.A./^
LATE SCHOLAR OF BALL10I- COLLKGE, OXFORD
'x y A
LONDON : HENRY G. BOHN, YORK STREET, COVENT GARDEN.
MDCCCLV.
JOHN CHILDS AND SON, BUNGAY.
CONTENTS,
HISTORY OF SOZOMEN.
Page PREFATORY Remarks by Valesius concerning the Life and Writings
of Sozomen ....... 1
Memoir of Sozomen . ... 5
BOOK I. Pages Tâ 49.
Chap. Page
I. On the Jewish nation. Au thorities whence the Author drew the materials of his history .... 7
II. Principal bishops during
the reign of Constantino . 12
III. Conversion of Constan tino 13
IV. Standard of the cross borne
in the army . . .14
V. Refutation of the assertion that the conversion of Con- stantine originated from the murder of Crispus . .15
VI. Extension of the Christian religion under Constantius and Constantino . . .17
VII. Dispute between Constan tino and Licinius . . 18
VIII. The profession of Chris tianity authorized by Con- stantine ... .19
IX. Laws enacted in favour of
the clergy 23
X. Confessors of this period . 24 XL Account of St. Spyridion ;
his modesty and tranquillity 25
Chap. Page
XII. Manners and customs of the monks . . . .27
XIII. Antony the Great, and
St. Paul . . . .30
XIV. Account of St. Ammon 32
XV. Origin and progress of the Arian heresy . . 35
XVI. Efforts of Constantino to restore unanimity of opinion among the bishops . . 38
XVII. Council of Nica^a . 39
XVIII. Conversion of two phi losophers . . 41
XIX. The emperor harangues
the synod .... 43
XX. TheArians condemned to exile 44
XXI. Decrees of the council
of Nictca . . . .45
XXII. Acesis, bishop of the Novatians . . . .46
XXIII. Canons established by
the council . . . .47
XXIV. Melitiusand the enact ments of the council . . 48
XXV. Honour paid to the bi shops by the emperor . . 49
CONTENTS.
BOOK II. Pages 49â l()f).
Chap. 1'age
I. Discovery of the cross and holy nails . . . .49
II. Helena, the mother of Con stantino ; her visit to Jeru salem .
III. Sacred edifices erected by Constantino
IV. Superstition abolished by Constantino . . ⢠5G
V. Demolition of Pagan temples 58
VI. Conversion of several dis tant nations . . .GO
VII. Conversion of the Iberians ib.
VIII. Conversion of the Ar menians and Persians . Go
IX. Persecution of Christians
in Persia under Sapor . . G4 X* Martyrdom of Christians under Sapor . . G7
XI. Continuation of the perse cution . . . . GS
XII. Martyrdom of Tarbula,
the sister of Symeon . . G9
XIII. Martyrdom of St. Acep- simus . . . . .70
XIV. Martyrdom of many bi shops in Persia . . .71
XV. Letter of Constantino to Sapor in behalf of the Chris tians 72
XVI. Restoration of Eusebius and Theognis to their bi shoprics . . . .73
XVII. Election of Athanasius to the bishopric of Alexandria . 74
XVIII. Refusal of Athanasius to admit Arius into com munion . . . .77
XIX. Council of Antioch. De position of Eustathius . . 78
Chap. Page
XX. Macarius succeeded by Maxim us in the bishopric of Jerusalem . . . .79
XXI. Relapse of Eusebius and Theognis into the errors of Arius 60
XXII. Machinations of the Arians and Meletians against Athanasius . . . .82
XXIII. Calumny respecting Athanasius and the hand of Arst-nins . . . .84
XXIV. Conversion of Indian nations . . . .85
XXV. Council of Tyre. Depo sition of Athanasius . . 88
XXVI. Erection and dedication
of a church in Jerusalem . 92
XXVII. Re-call of Arius from exile ; his formulary of faith 93
XXVIII. Letter of Constan tino. Exile of Athanasius . 95
XXIX. Refusal of Alexander, bishop of Constantinople, to admit Arius into communi on. Death of Arius . . 97
XXX. Account given by Atha nasius of the death of Arius . 99
XXXI. Fresh troubles arise in the church of Alexandria. Letter of Constantino . . 100
XXXII. Law enacted by Con stantino against heresy . 101
XXXIII. Marcellus, bishop of Ancyra ; his heresy and de position . . . .103
XXXIV. Death and burial of Constantine . . . 104
BOOK III. Pages 10Gâ 14G.
I. Renewal of the controversy concerning the doctrines es tablished at Nicsea . 10G I
II. Return of Athanasius from exile 107
III. Paul, bishop of Constanti-
CONTENTS.
Vll
Chap. Page
nople. Heresy of Macedonius 108
IV. Sedition at the ordination
of Paul ... . .109
V. Council of Antioch . 110
VI. Bishopric of Alexandria refused by Eusebius and ac cepted by Gregory . . 112
VII. Bishops of Rome and of Constantinople . . .114
VIII. Letter of Julius, bishop
of Rome . . . .116
IX. Ejection of Paul and Atha- nasius . . . .118
X. Dispute concerning Atha- nasius between the bishop of
Rome and the Eastern bishops 119
XI. Council of Sardica . . 120
XII. Deposition of the Eastern
by the Western bishops . 122
XIII. Schism between the churches of the East and
of the West . . .124
XIV. Of the holy men who
Chap. Page
nourished in Egypt at this period . . 125
XV. Didymus the blind, and Aetius the heretic . .132
XVI. Piety of St. Ephraim .134
XVII. Progress of Christianity 137
XVIII. Religious sentiments of the sons of Constantino . 138
XIX. Council of Ariminum . 139
XX. Return of Athanasius to Alexandria . . . 141
XXI. Letter of Constantius in behalf of Athanasius . . 143
XXII. Letter from the coun cil of Jerusalem in favour of Athanasius . . .144
XXIII. Innocence of Athana sius acknowledged by Valens and Ursacius . . . ib.
XXIV. Letter written by Va lens and Ursacius to Atha nasius . . . .146
BOOK IV. Pages 146â199.
I. Death of the emperor Con- stans 146
II. Arianism favoured by Con stantius . . . .147
III. Martyrdom of Martyrius and Marcian . . .148
IV. Military expeditions of Constantius . . . ib.
V. Appearance of the sign of the Cross in the heavens . 149
VI. Council of Sirmium. Three formularies of faith . .150
VII. Death of Magnentius, Silvanus, and Callus . . 152
VIII. Arrival of Constantius at Rome. Cabals of the Arians against Athanasius . .154
IX. Council of Milan. Banish ment of Athanasius . .155
X. Miraculous escape of Atha nasius. Cruelty of George . 157
XI. Exile of Liberius, bishop
of Rome . . . .159
XII. Heresy of Aetius . . 161
XIII. Letter of George, bishop
of Laodicea . . . 163
XIV. Letter of Constantius against Eudoxius . . 164
XV. Return of Liberius to Rome .... 165
XVI. Earthquake at Nicome-
dia 167
XVII. Coimcil of Ariminum . 171
XVIII. Letter from the coun cil to Constantius . .173
XIX. Reply of the emperor. Second letter of the council 176
XX. Persecution of those who held that the Son is consub- stantial with the Father . 178
XXI. Persecution of the Nova- tians in Paphlagonia. Trans lation of the body of Con stantino . . . .180
XXII. Council of Seleucia . 181
XXIII. The deputies of the
Vlll
CONTENTS.
Chap. Page
council of Sclcucia accept the formulary of the coun cil of Arimimun . . .180
XXIV. Formulary of Arimi- v num approved by the parti sans of Acacius . . . 188
XXV. Deposition of Cyril, and consequent dissensions . 192
XXVI. Death of Macedonius . 193
Chap. Page
XXVII. Heresy of Macedonius
defended by Marathonius . 194
XXVIII. Exile of Melelms . 196
XXIX. Fresh disturbances ex cited by the partisans of Acacius .... 197
XXX. Cruelty of George, bi shop of Alexandria. Bishops
of Jerusalem . 198
BOOK. V. Pages IMâ 2-12.
I. Apostasy of Julian. Death
of Constantino . . . 199
II. Education of Julian. His accession to the throne . 201
III. Progress of the Christian religion impeded by Julian . 20(5
IV. Inhabitants of Civsarea cruelly persecuted by Julian 208
V. Julian ail'ects to art with clemency and moderation. New form of persecution . 209
VI. Return of Athanasius to Alexandria. . . . 21 I
VII. Death of Ceorge . .212
VIII. Death of Theodore. Death of Julian, the uncle
of the emperor . . . 211
IX. Martyrdom of Eusebius, Nestabis, and Zeno . .210
X. Character and miracles of Hilarion. Martyrdom of some holy virgins . .217
XI. Martyrdom of several Christians . . . .219
XII. Council of Alexandria . 221
XIII. Dissensions between Paulinus and Meletius, Eu sebius and Lucifer . 222
XIV. Dispute betAveen the par tisans of Macedonius and of Acacius .... 223
XV. Banishment of Athanasius. Ancestors of Sozomen . 224
XVI. Paganism fostered by Julian. His letter to a Pa gan priest . . . .227
XVII. Julian strives to destroy Christianity Avithout having recourse to open persecution 230
XVIII. Julian prohibits Chris tians from the study of litera ture. Works of Apollina- rius 232
XIX. Book of Julian against the inhabitants of Antioch. Relics of Babylas . . 234
XX. Fortitude of Theodore the confessor. Conflagration of the temple of Apollo . . 237
XXI. Statue of Jesus Christ. Fountain of Emmaus. Tree
of Egypt . . . .238
XXII. Permission granted by Julian to the JCAVS to rebuild their temple. Failure of the undertaking . . . 240
BOOK VI. Pages 242â312.
I. Expedition of Julian against
the Persians. His death . 212
II. Visions concerning the death of Julian . . . 215
III. Proclamation of Jovian . 248
IV. Council of Antioch. Let ter from the council to Jo vian 249
V. Virtues of Athanasius re cognised by Jovian . . 251
CONTENTS.
Chap. Page
VI. Death of Jovian. Proclam ation of Valentinian . . 253
VII. Council of Lampsacus . 254
VIII. Revolt and death of Pro- copius .... 256
IX. Persecution of those who adhered to the doctrines of Nicoea .... 258
X. Persecution of the orthodox
by Valens .... ib. XL Formulary of faith drawn up by the Macedonians . 260
XII. Persecution of the ortho dox. Flight and return of Athanasius .... 261
XIII. Demophilus is elected to the bishopric of Constanti nople by the Arians, and Evagrius by the orthodox . 264
XIV. Eighty priests put to death by order of Valens . ib.
XV. Dispute between Euse- bius and Basil . . . 265
XVI. Eusebius succeeded by Basil 266
XVII. Friendship between Basil and Gregory . . 268
XVIII. Fidelity manifested by the citizens of Edessa in de fence of the faith . . 269
XIX. Death of Athanasius . 270
XX. Persecution of monks in Egypt . . . .271
XXI. Firm adherence of the Scythians to the Christian faith 273
XXII. The HolyGhost declared to be of the same substance
as the Father and the Son .274
Chap. Page
XXIII. Death of Liberius. Contest between Damasis and Ursinus . ⢠' 275
XXIV. Election of Ambrose to
the bishopric of Milan . 278
XXV. Heresies propounded
by Apollinarius . . ⢠280
XXVI. Innovation concerning the rite of baptism intro duced by Eunomius . . 282
XXVII. Heresy of Eunomius condemned by the holy asce tics of this period . . 285
XXVIII. Account of the asce tics who flourished in Egypt 287
XXIX. Celebrated monks of Thebais . . . .289
XXX. Monks of Scetis . . 294
XXXI. Monasteries of Nitria 296
XXXII. Monks of Palestine . 297
XXXIII. Celebrated ascetics
of Syria . . . .299
XXXIV. Account of the monks who dwelt near Edessa . ib.
XXXV. Persecution of philo sophers by Valens . . 301
XXXVI. Death of Valentinian. Proclamation of Valentinian
the younger . . . 303
XXXVII. Christianity embra ced by the Goths . . 304
XXXVIII. War between the Romans and Saracens. Con version of the latter nation . 307
XXXIX. Peter installed in the government of the churches
of Egypt . 310
XL. Death of Valens . .311
BOOK VII. Pages 312â359.
I. Assistance rendered to the Romans by the Saracens. Law of Gratian . . .312
II. Elevation of Theodosius to the throne. Council of An- tioch . . 313
III. Dissension between the followers of Meletius and of Paulinus .... 314
IV. Baptism of Theodosius. Law against diversity in re ligious opinions . . .315
CONTENTS.
Chap. Page
V. Expulsion of Dcmophilus, the Arian bishop, from Con stantinople . . . .310
VI. Intrigues of the Arians. Eloquence of Eunomius . 317
VII. Council of Constantinople 319
VIII. Election of Xectarius to
the see of Constantinople . 3'21
IX. Decrees of the council of Constantinople . . . 322
X. Humility of Martyrius. Translation of the body of Paul 32 1
XI. Flavian ordained to the bishopric of Antioch . . 325
XII. Attempt to establish uni formity in religion . . 3 '20
XIII. Tyranny of Maximus. The empress Justina and Ambrose. Death of Gratian 32*
XIV. Birth of Honorius . 33U
XV. Demolition of I'agan tem ples, and consequent sedition 331
XVI. Regulations of Nectarius concerning Penance . . 334
XVII. Errors of Eunomius, Theophronius, and Eutychus 337
XVIII. New heresy introduced by the Novatians. Feast of the Passover . . . 339
XIX. Digression on the diver-
Chap, page sity prevailing in different churches on points of disci pline 342
XX. Progress of Christianity. Demolition of Pagan tem ples. Inundation of the Nile 345
XXI. Discovery of the head
of John the Baptist . . 340
XXII. Death of Valentinian the younger. Revolt of Eu- genius . . . .347
XXIII. Sedition at Antioch. The wrath of the emperor appeased by Flavian . . 349
XX IV. Victory of Theodosius over Eugenius . . . 350
XXV. Massacre at Thessaloni- ca. Intrepidity of Ambrose, bishop of Milan . . . 351
XXVI. Miracles performed by Donatus and Theotimus . 353
XXVII. Miracles of St. Epi- phanius .... 355
XXVIII. Exemplary conduct of Acacius, bishop of Benra,
of Xcno, and of Ajax . . 357
XXIX. Discovery of the relics of Habakkuk and Micah. Death of Theodosius . . 358
BOOK VIII. Panes 359â404.
I. Accession of Arcadius and Honorius . . . .359
II. Account of John Chrysos- tom ; his elevation to the see
of Constantinople . . 302
III. John establishes discipline among the clergy, and recon ciles Flavian with the Pope . 365
IV. Death of Gai'nas . . 300
V. Eloquence of John. Mira cle wrought by him . . 309
VI. Asia and Phrygia visited
by John .... 371
VII. History and death of Eu- tropius . . . .372
VIII. Ministryof John Chrysos- tom. Effects of his preaching 373
IX. Advice given by John to Olympiade. Murmurs of the clergy against him . . 375
X. Dispute between Severian, bishop of Gabales, and John 376
XI. Dispute in Egypt concern ing the nature of the Deity . 377
XII. Enmity of Theophilus against four monks, called
the " Great Brothers " . 378 ! XIII. The monks appeal to j John, bishop of Constantinople 380 I XIV. Books of Origen con-
CONTENTS.
XI
Chap. . Page
demned by Eugenius. He ex cites the people against John 381
XV. Conference between Epi- phanius and the " Great Brothers" . . . .383
XVI. Enmity of the empress against John . . . 385
XVII. Council heldbyTheophi- lus. Condemnation of John 386
XVIII. Sedition of the people. Re-call of John . . .388
XIX. Departure of Theophilus. Restoration of John . . 389
XX. Statue of the empress. Deposition of John . .391
XXI. Attempt against the life
of John . . . .392
XXII. Departure of John .394
Chap. Page
XXIII. Arsacius obtains the bishopric of John. Persecu tion of the followers of John 395
XXIV. Cruelty perpetrated upon a reader, a priest, and
a pious lady . . . 397
XXV. Troubles excited by Sti- licho 399
XXVI. Letter of Innocent, bi shop of Rome . . . ib.
XXVII. Death of the empress Eudoxia. Death of Arsacius. Election of Atticus . . 402
XXVIII. Efforts of Innocent to convene a council and ob tain the restoration of John. Death of John . . 404
BOOK IX. Pages 4Qbâ 424.
I. Death of Arcadius. Accession
of Theodosius the younger . 405
II. Discovery of the relics of forty martyrs . . . 407
III. Commendations on Pul- cheria and her sisters . . 410
IV. Truce concluded with the Persians. Death of Stilicho ib.
V. Peace concluded with se veral nations, while others
are dispersed . . .411
VI. Siege of Rome . . 412
VII. Embassy despatched to Alaric . . . .413
VIII. Proclamation of Attains.
He yields to Honorius . 414
IX. Surrender of Rome . . 41G
X. Virtue of a Roman lady . 41 7
XI. Defeat of tyrants in the West 418
XII. Constantine and Constans retire to Aries . . . 419
XIII. Maximus, at the instiga tion of Gerontius, accepts the insignia of imperial power . 420
XIV. Defeat and death of Edovicus . . . .421
XV. Ordination of Constan tine. His death . . 422
XVI. Death of Honorius. His successors. Prosperity of
the two empires . . . ib.
XVII. Discovery of the relics of Zechariah the prophet, and
of Stephen the proto-martyr 423
THE
HISTORY OF PHILOSTORGIUS.
1U)()K I. Paffcs 120â131.
Chap.
I. On the Maccabees . . 42!)
II. Of Eusebius Pamphilus 430
III. Election of a bishop at Alexandria .... 431
IV. Of Bum-alls the presbyter ib.
Fa.se ('hap. Page
VI. The conversion of Constan- tine ..... 132
VII. Ilosiusof (V.rduva 433
V. The
tius
emperor Constan- there delincd
ib. X. Secundus and Eusebius
BOOK II. Par/eg 131â112.
I. Of Alexander and Arius . 431
II. Arius composes songs . ib.
III. Origin of the strange opin ions of Arius . . . ih.
IV. Death of Crispus . . 43,")
V. Urphilas, bishop of the Goths ib.
VI. Indian converts to the Christian faith . . . 437
VII. Eusebius, Maris, and Tlie- ognis . . . . ib.
VIII. Agapetus, bishop of Sy- nada 438
IX. Foundation of Constanti nople ib. I
X. Eusebius of Alexandria . 438
XI. Ordination of Athunusius
â his banishment . . ib.
XII. The empress Helena . 410
XIII. The martyr Lucian . Ill
XIV. His disciples . . ib.
XV. Their opinions and deeds ib.
XVI. Death of Constantino by poison .... 442
XVII. The Christians accused
of idolatry .... ib.
XVIII. Return of Athanasius from exile . ib.
BOOK III. Pages 443â 4G2.
I. Plots of Constans . . 413
II. Piety of Constantino . ib.
III. Constantius expels Atha nasius . . . ib.
IV. Constantius sends ambas sadors to the Saba-ans . 444
V. Efforts of Theophilus . 4J5
VI. His visit to the AuxumitoD 4 16
CONTENTS.
xm
Chap. Page
VII. The Tigris . . .446
VIII. The Euphrates . . 447
IX. The sources of these ri vers 448
X. The site of Paradise . 449
XI. Monsters of the South and East 450
XII. Reaction in favour of Athanasius .... 453
XIII. Doxologies . . 454
XIV. Communion of Arians with Catholics . . . ib.
XV. Aetius and his history 455
XVI. His discussions with Basil and Eustathius . . . 457
XVII. Leontius . . . ib.
XVIII. He deposes Flavian and Paulinas .... 458
Chap. Page
XIX. Aetius does not desire
the episcopate . . . 458
XX. Visit of Eunomius to Ae tius . . . . . ib.
XXI. He is praised by Philos- torgius .... ib.
XXII. Death of Constans . ib.
XXIII. Sapor wages war against Rome . . . 459
XXIV. The Sudan and Julian Alps ib.
XXV. Callus sent into the East against Sapor . . . ib.
XXVI. Victory of Constantius
â sign of the cross seen . 460
XXVII. Gallus and Aetius . ib.
XXVIII. Disgrace and death
of Montius . . 461
BOOK IV. Pages 462â469.
I. Death of Gallus .
II. Julian appointed Ctcsar
III. Liberius, bishop of Rome
IV. Eudoxius translated to An- tioch
V. Eunomius
VI. Ambition of Basil of An- cyra
VII. Theophilus recalled ,
VIII. Theophilus banished.
462
463
ib.
Basil discusses the faith be fore the emperor . . . 465
IX. Prevalence of the Homoi- ousian doctrine . . . 466
X. An earthquake stops the synod at Nicomedia . . ib.
XI. Synod assembled at Se- leucia .... ib.
XII. And afterwards assembled
at Constantinople . . 467
BOOK V. Pages 469â471.
I. Deposition of Basil, Eusta thius, and Macedonius . 469
II. Aetius removed to Ambdala 470
III. Eunomius consecrated bi shop ib.
IV. Constantius is defeated by
the Persians . . .471
V. Banishment of Meletius, and consecration of Euzoius . ib.
CONTENTS.
HOOK VI. Pages 171â474.
Chap.
Page
Chap.
I. Controversy at Constant!- IV. He is accused before Con- nople ..... 471 stantius .... 473
II. Eiiiiomins prearhos against V. Rebellion of Julian and
the virginity of the Virgin death of Constant ius . . 474
Mary 472 ! VI. Julian enters Cmistantino-
III. Knnomius retires to Cap- pie ib.
padoeia .... 473 | VII. Julian recalls Aetius . ib.
BOOK VII. Pages -111â 484.
I. Julian persecutes the Chris tians 17 I
II. Tumult at Alexandria . ib.
III. The miraculous image of our Saviour . . . 4~.~>
IV. Atrocities of the heathen. Persecutions of Julian . 47(j \
V. Eudoxius and Aetins . 177 j
VI. Tlie heretical party conse crate other bishops . . i>>.
VII. Valentinian the confessor 47s .
VIII. The martyr Babylas . 479
IX. Julian attempts to rebuild Jerusalem .
X. Horrible deaths of three apostates ....
XI. Jerusalem named .-Elia
XII. Heathen oracles .
XIII. Death of an apostate bishop ....
XIV. Julian obliged to desist from rebuilding Jerusalem .
XV. His expedition against the Persians
4M)
4*1
ib.
482
ib.
483
BOOK VIII. Pages 4*5 â 191.
I. Jovian proclaimed emperor 485
II. Proceedings of Euzoius and his party . . . ib.
III. The bishop Theodosius 48G
IV. Proceedings of Aetius and Eudoxius . . . .4*7
V. Jovian restores the churches ib.
VI. Candidus and Arrianus . 4*8
VII. Eudoxius and Eu/oius ib.
VIII. Death of the emperor Jovian .... ib.
IX. Learning of Hypatia . 489
X. Philostorgius the physician 490
XI. Basil, Gregory, and Apol- linaris compared . . . 490
XII. Reply of Eunomius to Apollinaris .... ib.
XIII. Calumny against Basil and Gregory . . . ib.
XIV. Writings of Apollinaris 491
XV. Apollinaris and Xovatus ib.
XVI. Valens and Valentinian ib.
XVII. Theodore and George . ib.
XVIII. Eunomius and Aetius compared .... ib.
BOOK IX. Pages 491â500.
I. Miracles wrought by here
tics II. Moses .
. 491 492
III. Eudoxius and Euzoius . 492
IV. Aetins retires to Lesbos ib.
V. Expedition of Valens against
CONTENTS.
XV
Chap. Page
the Persians . . . 493
VI. Death of Aetius . . 494
VII. Eunomius banished by
the clergy . . . .495
VIII. Recalled by the emperor ib.
IX. The family of Phil ostorgius 496
X. Demophilus raised to the
see of Constantinople . . ib. XL Eunomius banished to
Naxos .... ib. XII. Caesarea formerly called
Mozoca .... ib.
Chap. Page
XIII. A bishop ordained at Cyzicus .... 496
XIV. Demophilus and Doro- theus 497
XV. Heathen oracles . . ib.
XVI. Death of the emperor Valentinian . . . 498
XVII. Death of Valens . . ib.
XVIII. John ordained bishop
of Palestine . . . 499
XIX. Theodosius defeats the barbarians . . ib.
BOOK X. Pages 500â505.
I. The Eunomians reviled . 500
II. Philostorgius accuses Arius
of impiety .... 501
III. Arian developments . ib.
IV. Practices of the Eunomians ib.
V. Arcadius. Death of Gra- tian 502
VI. Praises of Eunomius . ib.
VII. Theodosius marries Galla 503
VIII. Theodosius and Valen tinian defeat the usurper Maximus .... 503
IX. Appearance of a star . ib.
X. Philostorgius writes against
Porphyry
XI. Prodigies
XII. Fasts .
504 ib.
505
BOOK XI. Pages 505â512.
I. Murder of Valentinian the younger .... 505
II. Death of his murderer Ar- bogastes .... 506
III. Rufinus and Stilicho put
to death . . . .507
IV. Concerning the eunuch Eu- tropius .... 508
V. His envy against Euno mius ..... 509
VI. Arcadius deposes Eutro- pius . . . . ib.
VII. Pestilences and other signs from heaven . .510
VIII. Invasion of the Huns . 511
BOOK XII. Pages 513â521.
I. Stilicho censured . .513
II. Invasion of the East by Alaric . . . . ib.
III. Alaric advances on Rome 514
IV. The kingdoms of iron and clay 515
V. Rome enjoys a brief respite 516
VI. Rebellion of Jovian . 516
VII. Theodosius succeeds Ar cadius . . . .517
VIII. Miraculous appearances ib.
IX. Other prodigies . .518
X. These wonders wrought by God . . ib.
XVI
CONTENTS.
Chap. Page
XI. Lucian chosen as leader of
the Ennomians . . .519
XII. Death of Constantius . lb.
XIII. Death of Honorius,
Cliap. Page and succession of Valentin- inn 519
XIV. Withdrawal of the bar barian troops . . . 520
FRAGMENTS.
I. Concerning Apollinaris, Ba sil, and Gregory . . . 521
II. Concerning Paneas and the Jordan
III. Concerning Agapetus .
IV. Acting .
V. Concerning Auxcntins .
VI. â Kudoxins
, VII. â Thonphilus
VIII. Lt'ontius
IX. Deinoplu'lus
PREFATORY REMARKS, BY VALESIUS,
CONCERNING THE
LIFE MD WRITINGS OF SOZOMEN.
HERMIAS SOZOMEN practised the law at Constantinople, at the same time with Socrates. His ancestors were not mean ; they were originally natives of Palestine, being inhabitants of a village near Gaza, called Bethelia. This village was very populous in times past, and had most stately and ancient churches. But the most glorious structure of them all was the Pantheon, situated on an artificial hill, which was the tower as it were of Bethelia, as Sozoinen relates in chap. xv. of his fifth book. The grandfather of Hermias Sozomen was born in that village, and first converted to the Christian faith by Hilarion the monk. For when Alaphion, an inhabitant of the same village, was possessed with a devil, and the Jews and phy sicians, attempting to cure him, could do him no good by their enchantments, Hilarion by a bare invocation of the name of God cast out the devil. Sozomen's grandfather, and Alaphion himself, amazed at this miracle, with their whole families em braced the Christian religion. The grandfather of Sozomen was eminent for his expositions of the Sacred Scriptures, being a person endowed with a polite wit, and an acuteness of under standing ; and besides, he was well skilled in literature. Therefore he was highly esteemed by the Christians inhabiting Gaza, Ascalon, and the places adjacent, as being useful and necessary for the propagating of religion, and could easily un loose the knots of the Sacred Scriptures. But Alaphion's de scendants excelled others in their sanctity of life, in kindness to the indigent, and in other virtues : and they were the first that built churches and monasteries there, as Sozomen says in the passage above cited, where he also adds, that some holy persons of Alaphion's family were surviving even in his own days, with whom he himself conversed when very young, and concerning whom he promises to speak more afterwards. Most probably he means Salamanes, Phusco, Malchio, and Crispio,
[SOZOMEN.] B
2 PREFATORY REMARKS BY VALESIUS.
brothers, concerning whom he speaks in chap, xxxii. of his sixth book. For he there says that these brethren, instructed in the monastic discipline by Ililarion, were, during the empire of Valens, eminent in the monasteries of Palestine ; that they lived near Bethelia, a village in the country of the Gazites, and were descendants of a noble family in those parts. He mentions the same persons in the loth chapter of book viii., where he says that Crispio was Epiphanius's archdeacon. It is evident, therefore, that the brothers were of Alaphion's family. Alaphion, too, was related to So/omen's grandfather, as we may conjecture : first, because the grandfather of So/omen is said to have been converted (together with his whole family) to the Christian religion, upon account of Alaphion's wonderful cure, whom Ililarion had healed by calling on the name of Almighty God. Secondly, this conjecture is confirmed by what Sozomen relates, viz. that when he was very young, he conversed familiarly with the aged monks that were of Alaphion's family. And, lastly, from the fact that So/omen took his name from those persons who were either the sons or grandchildren of Alaphion. For lie was called Salamanes llermias Sozomenus, (as Photius declares in his liibliotheca.) from the name of that Salamanes who, as we observed before, was the brother of Pliusco, Malchio, and Crispio. Wherefore Nicephorus, and others, arc mistaken in supposing that Sozomen had the sur name of Salaminius because lie was born at Salamis, a city of Cyprus. But we have before shown from Sozomen's own testimony, that he was not born in Cyprus, but in Palestine. For his grandfather was not only a Palestinian, as is above said, but Sozomen himself was also educated in Palestine, in the bosom (so to say) of those monks who were of Alaphio's family. From this education Sozomen seems to have im bibed that most ardent love of a monastic life and discipline, which he declares in so many places of his history. Hence it is, that in his books he is not content to relate who were the fathers and founders of monastic philosophy ; but he also care fully relates their successors and disciples, who followed this way of life both in Egypt, Syria, and Palestine, and also in Pontus, Armenia, and Osdroena. Hence also it is, that in the twelfth chapter of the first book of his history, he has proposed to be read (in the beginning as it were) that gorgeous account of the monastic philosophy. For he supposed that he should have been ungrateful, had he not after this manner at least
PREFATORY REMARKS BY VALESIUS. 3
made a return of thanks to those in whose familiarity he had lived, and from whom, when he was a youth, he had re ceived such eminent examples of a good conversation, as he himself intimates, in the opening of his first book. It is infer red that Sozomen was educated at Gaza, not only from the pas sage above mentioned, but also from chap, xxviii. of his seventh book, where Sozomen says that he himself had seen Zeno, bishop of Majuma, for this Majuma is a sea-port belonging to the Gazites. After this Sozomen applied himself to the pro fession of the law. He was a student of the civil law at Berytus, a city of Phoenicia, not far distant from his own country, where there was a famous school of civil law. But he practised the law at Constantinople, as himself asserts, b. ii. chap. iii. And yet he seems not to have been very much employed in pleading of causes ; for at the same time that he was an advocate in Constantinople, he wrote his Ecclesiastical History ; as may be concluded from his own words in the last-mentioned passage. Before he wrote his nine books of Ecclesiastical History, Sozo men composed a Breviary of Ecclesiastical Affairs, from our Saviour's ascension to the deposition of Licinius. This work was comprised in two books, as himself bears witness in the opening of his first book ; but these two books are now lost.
In the composure of his History, Sozomen has made use of a style neither too low nor too high, but one between both, as is most agreeable to a writer of ecclesiastical affairs. Photius prefers Sozomen's style to that of Socrates, and we agree with him in his criticism. But though Sozomen is superior in the elegance of his expression, yet Socrates excels him in judgment. For Socrates judges incomparably well, both of men, and also of ecclesiastical business and affairs ; and there is nothing in his works but what is grave and serious, nothing that can be expunged as superfluous. But on the contrary, some passages occur in Sozomen that are trivial and childish. Of this sort is his digression in his first book con cerning the building of the city Hemona, and concerning the Argonauts, who carried the ship Argo on their shoulders some furlongs, and also his description of Daphne without the walls of the city Antioch, in chap. xix. of his sixth book ; to which we must add that observation of his, concerning the beauty of the body, where he treats of that virgin with whom the blessed Athanasius absconded a long while. Lastly, his ninth
B 2
4 PREFATORY REMARKS BY VALESIUS.
book contains little else besides warlike events, which ought to have no place in an Ecclesiastical History. Sozornen's style, how ever, is not without its faults. For the periods of his sentences are only joined together by the particles cit and re, than which there is nothing more troublesome. Should any one attentively read the epistle in which Sozomen dedicates his work toTheodo- sius junior, he will find it true that Sozomen was no great orator. It remains, that we inquire which of these two authors, So crates or Sozomen. wrote first, and which of them borrowed, or rather stole, from the other. Certainly, in regard both of thorn wrote almost the same things of the same transactions, inasmuch as they both began at the same beginning, and con cluded their history at the same point, (both beginning from the reign of Constantine, and ending at the seventeenth con sulate of Theodosius junior,) it must needs be true, that one of them robbed the other's desk. This sort of theft was com mitted by many of the Grecian writers. But which was the plagiary, Socrates or Sozomen, it is hard to say, in regard both of them lived in the same times, and both wrote their history in the empire of Theodosius junior. Therefore, in the dis quisition of this question, we must make use of conjecture. Let us therefore see upon which of them falls the suspicion of theft. Indeed this is my sentiment, I suppose that the inferior does frequently steal from the superior, and the junior from the senior. But Sozomen is in my judgment far inferior to Socrates ; and he betook himself to writing his history when he was younger than Socrates. For he wrote it whilst he was yet an advocate, as I observed before. Now, the profession of the advocates amongst the Romans was not perpetual, but temporary. Lastly, he that adds something to the other, and sometimes amends the other, seems to have written last. But Sozomen now and then adds some passages to Socrates, and in some places dissents from him, as Photius has observed, and we have hinted in our annotations. Sozomen therefore seems to have written last. And this is the opinion of almost all modern writers, who place Socrates before Sozomen. So Bel- larmine in his book " De Scriptoribus Ecclesiasticis ;" who is followed by Mirceus, Labbreus, and Vossius. Amongst the ancients, Cassiodorus, Photius, and Nicephorus name Socrates in the first place. So also Theoclorus Lector recounts them, in his epistle which he prefixed to his Tripartite History. Thus far concerning Sozomen.
MEMOIR OF SOZOMEN,
LITTLE more than cursory allusions to SOZOMEN occur in the works of contemporary writers ; and the materials for a me moir of his life are therefore at best but few and scanty. We should, in fact, be destitute of almost all knowledge as to his birth, education, mode of life, and private history, had not some information on these points been furnished by himself. In the work before us, the only one which has caused his name to be handed down to posterity, he draws aside the curtain which would otherwise have concealed his origin and parentage, and makes known to us a portion of his family history. lie tells us (Book V. chap, xv.) that his grandfather was a native of Palestine, and of Pagan parentage ; that he, with all his family, was converted to Christianity on witnessing a miracle wrought by St. Hilarion ; and that, being possessed of great mental en dowments, he afterwards became eminently useful to the men of Gaza and Ascalon, by his extraordinary power in expound ing the most obscure passages of Holy Writ.
Our author himself seems to have been born about the be ginning of the fifth century. He tells us that in his youth some of the founders of monasticism in Palestine were still living, although they had reached a very advanced period of life, and that he had enjoyed opportunities of intercourse with them. To this circumstance may probably be attributed the tone of reverential \ admiration in which Sozomen invariably speaks of the ascetic inhabitants of the desert.
The education of Sozomen was conducted with a view to the legal professsion ; and he studied for some years at Berytus, then noted for its school of law. He afterwards established himself at Constantinople, and, it has been conjectured, held some office at the court of Theodosius the younger. He is re puted to have possessed some skill in the law, but it is certain that he never attained any eminence in his profession. It is
6 MEMOIR OF SOZOMEN.
only in the character of an historian that he has rendered himself conspicuous. His first work was an abridgment of Ecclesiastical History, from the ascension of our Lord to the deposition of Licinius, (A. i>. 324,) but this is not extant. The work before us seems to have been commenced about the year 448. It embraces a period of 117 years, namely, from A. i>. 323 to A. D. 439. It is generally admitted to have suffered many alterations and mutilations ; and this may, in some measure, serve to account for the frequent inaccuracies in point both of narrative and of chronology which pervade the nine books of which it is composed. It is evident, from the very abrupt termination of this history, that it is but a fragmentary portion of a larger work. The precise object of Sozomen in undertaking to write this history is not apparent, as exactly the same ground had previously been gone over by Socrates, if we except the ninth book of the former, which is almost entirely devoted to the political history of the times. The learned Photius prefers the style of Sozomen to that of Socrates ; yet So/omen frequently evinces great deficiency in point of judgment, and on many occasions enlarges upon details which are altogether omitted by Socrates, as unworthy of the dignity of Ecclesiastical History. To us, there is manifest advantage in possessing these separate chronicles of the same events. Facts which might perhaps have been doubted, if not rejected, had they rested upon the sole authority of a single writer, are admitted as unquestionable when authenticated by the com bined testimony of Socrates, of Sozomen, and of Theodoret. And, indeed, the very discrepancies which, on several minor points, are discernible in the histories of these writers, are not without their use, inasmuch as they tend to the removal of all suspicion of connivance or collusion.
It should be added, that Sozomen is sometimes called Her- mias and Salamanes, and that it was thought by some writers that Sozomenus was not his name, but that of his father, and that he was a native of Salamis in Cyprus. For further in formation en the subject the reader, may consult Schoell's Gesckichte der Griechischer Literatur, vol. iii. p. 317, &c.
ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY
OP
SOZOMEN.
BOOK I CHAP. I. â CONCERNING THE JEWISH NATION. â AUTHORS TO
WHOM SOZOMEN WAS INDEBTED.
MY mind lias been often exercised in inquiring how it is that other men are ready to believe in the word of God, while the Jews are so incredulous,1 although it was to them that in struction concerning the things of God was, from the begin ning, imparted by the prophets, who likewise made them ac quainted with the events attendant upon the coming of Christ before they came to pass.2 Besides, Abraham, the head of their nation and of the circumcision, was accounted worthy to be an eye-witness, and the host of the Son of God.3 And Isaac, his son, was honoured as the type of the sacrifice on the cross, for he was led bound to the altar by his father, and, as accurate students of the Sacred Scriptures affirm, the suf ferings of Christ came to pass in like manner. Jacob pre dicted that the hope of the nations would be in Christ, which prediction is now accomplished ; and he likewise foretold the time of Christ's appearance when he said, " The princes of the Hebrews of the tribe of Judah, the chiefs of the tribe shall
On this word Valesius remarks that Sozomen was a great imitator of the style of Xenophon, anfl that he commences his work in almost the very words of the latter, in his Cyropeedia.
2 Comp. Eusebius, Eccl. Hist. b. i. ch. 4.
3 Alluding to the occasion on which Abraham entertained three angels, and interceded on behalf of Sodom and Gomorrah. See Genesis xviii., and especially verses 2 and 3.
ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF SOZOMEX. [iJ. I.C.I.
fail." 1 This clearly referred to the reign of Herod ; for this king was., on his father's side, an Idumean, and on his mother's an Arabian, and the government of the Jewish nation was delivered to him by Augustus Caesar and the Roman senate. And besides, among the other prophets, some declared before hand the birth of Christ, his ineffable conception, his family, his country, and the continuance after his birth of his mother's virginity;- sonic predicted his divine and wonderful actions, while others foretold his sufferings, his resurrection from the dead, his ascension into the heavens, and the signs by which each of these events was accompanied. But if any be ignor ant of these facts, it is not difficult to obtain information by referring to the sacred books. Joscpluis, the son of Matthias,3 who was a priest, and moreover held in the highest repute by the Jews and Romans, may likewise ho regarded as a notable witness to the truth concerning Christ;'1 for impressed, no doubt, by the wonderful works wrought by our Lord, and the truthfulness of his doctrines, this writer evidently shrinks from calling him a man, but openly calls him Christ, and records that he was condemned to the death of the cross, and appeared alive again the third day. Nor was ho ignorant of number less other wonderful predictions accomplished in Christ, and uttered by the holy prophets. He further testifies that many, both Jews and Greeks, followed after Christ and continued in his love ; and that the people who bear his name had never lost their corporate existence. It appears to me that, in bear ing witness to these things, he loudly proclaims as the truth implied by the works, that Christ is God. It appears, too, that, being struck by the lustre of our Lord's miracles, he was led to steer a middle course, and did not vilify those who believed in him, but, on the contrary, rather coincided in opinion with them.5 When I reflect on these things, I am
1 Alluding to the dying words of Jacob, Gen. xlix. 10, " The sceptre shall not depart from Judah, nor a lawgiver from between his feet, until Shiloh come."
2 Isaiah, vii. 14, foretells that " a virgin shall conceive and bear a son ; " but he does not declare, in words, the perpetual virginity of the mother of God. The Roman Catholic Church, however, infers the doctrine from certain types in the Old Testament ; such as that of " the bush which burnt with fire, and was not consumed." (See Exod. iii. 2.)
3 Otherwise written Mattathias. 4 See Joseph. Antiq. lib. xviii. c. 4. 5 See the observations prefixed to Winston's Josephus.
CALLING OP THE GENTILES. 9
seized with profound astonishment at the fact that Christianity was not, in the first place, embraced by the Hebrews prior to its reception by any other nation. It is true, indeed, that the sibyl and certain oracles foretold what was about to happen to Christ ;T yet all the Greeks must not on that account be ac cused of unbelief: these prophecies were, for the most part, written in verse, and were intelligible only to the few who by their erudition were able to understand more important truths than those commonly taught to the people. It was, as appears to me, by a Providence from above directing the harmonious sequence of events, that truth was declared, not by the pro phets only, but also, in part, by men of other nations. It was. in fact, as if a musician, in order to elicit some rare melody, were to strike a supernumerary chord, or attach an additional chord to his instrument.
Having now shown that the Hebrews, although in the pos session of numerous and most distinct prophecies concerning the coming of Christ, were less willing than the Greeks to embrace the faith that is in him, let what has been said on the subject suffice. Yet let it by no means be hence ac counted contrary to reason that the church should have been mainly built up by the conversion of other nations ; for, in the first place, it is evident that, in divine and great affairs, God delights to bring to pass changes in a marvellous manner ; and then, be it remembered, it was by the exercise of no common virtues that those who, at the very beginning, were at the head of religious affairs, maintained their influence. If they did not, indeed, possess resplendent gifts of eloquence, nor the power of convincing their hearers by means of ma thematical demonstration, yet they accomplished the work they had undertaken. They gave up their property, neg lected their kindred, were stretched upon a cross, and, as if endowed with bodies not their own, suffered divers excruci ating tortures ;2 neither seduced by the adulation of the rulers and people of any city, nor terrified by their menaces, they clearly evidenced by their conduct that they were supported in the struggle by the hope of a high reward. So that they,
1 He alludes to the wide-spread belief in a coming Saviour or Con queror, so prevalent during the reign of Augustus. See among other passages, Virgil. IJcl. iv.
2 See Cave's Lives of the Apostles and Primitive Fathers, passim.
10 ECCLESIASTICAL 111STORY OF SOZOMEN. [ÂĞ. 1. C. 1 .
in fact, needed not to resort to verbal arguments ; for without any effort on their part, their very deeds constrained the inhabitants of every city and of every house to give credit to their testimony, even before they knew wherein it con sisted.
Since then so divine and marvellous a change has taken place in the circumstances of men, that ancient superstitions and national laws have fallen into contempt ; since many of the most celebrated writers among the Greeks have tasked their powers of eloquence in describing the Calydonian boar, the bull of Marathon, and other similar prodigies which have had a real or imaginary existence, why should not I rise above myself, and write a History of the Church? For I am persuaded that, as the topic is not the achievements of men, it may appear almost incredible that such a history should be written by me; but, with God, nothing is impossible.
I at first felt strongly inclined to trace the course of events from the very commencement ; but on reflecting that .similar records of the past, up to their own time, had been compiled by the learned Clemens1 and Ilegesippus, successors of the apostles, by Africanus the historian, and by Eusebius sur- named Pamphilus,2 a man intimately acquainted with the Sacred Scriptures and the writings of the Greek poets and historians, I merely drew up an epitome in two books of all that is recorded to have happened to the churches, from the ascension of Christ to the deposition of Licinius.3 Now, however, by the help of God, 1 will endeavour to relate the sequel of the history.
I shall record the transactions with which I have been con nected, and also those concerning which I have been informed by persons who, from their own observation or otherwise, were well acquainted with them ; and I shall embrace the history of our own and the preceding generation. But I
1 Valesius considers this Clemens to have been the same Clement who was bishop of Rome, and the author of the Epistle to the Corinthians which bears his name, and of some books entitled Recognitiones, which were translated by Rufmus.
2 See the Life of Eusebius prefixed to his Ecclesiastical History, and note on Socrates, b. i. ch. i.
3 See Memoir of Sozomen prefixed to this volume. These books are not now extant.
SCOPE AND TENDENCY OF THIS HISTORY. 11
have sought for records of events of earlier date amongst the established laws appertaining to religion, amongst the pro ceedings of the synods of the period, amongst the novelties that arose, and in the epistles of kings and priests. Some of these documents are preserved in palaces and churches, and others are dispersed, and in the possession of the learned ; I thought seriously, at one time, of transcribing the whole, but on further reflection I deemed it better, on account of the prolixity of the documents, to give merely a brief synopsis of their contents ; yet whenever controverted topics are in troduced, I will readily transcribe freely from any work that may tend to the elucidation of truth. If any one who is ig norant of past events should conclude my history to be false because he meets with conflicting statements in other writings, let him know that since the dogmas of Arms l and other more recent hypotheses have been broached, the rulers of the churches, differing in opinion among themselves, have trans mitted in writing their own peculiar views, for the benefit of their respective followers ; and further, be it remembered, these rulers convened councils and issued what decrees they pleased, often condemning unheard those whose creed was dissimilar to their own, and striving to their utmost to induce the reigning prince and nobles of the time to side with them. Intent upon maintaining the orthodoxy of their own dogmas, the partisans of each sect respectively formed a collection of such epistles as favoured their own heresy, omitting all docu ments of a contrary tendency. Such are the obstacles by which we are beset in our endeavours to arrive at a conclu sion on this subject ! Still, as it is requisite, in order to maintain historical accuracy, to pay the strictest attention to the means of eliciting truth, I felt myself bound to examine all writings of this class with great diligence.
Let not an impertinent or malignant spirit be imputed to me, for having dwelt upon the disputes of ecclesiastics among themselves, concerning the primacy and the pre-eminence of their own sect. In the first place, as I have already said, an historian ought to regard everything as secondary in import ance to truth ; and, moreover, the purity of the doctrine of the Catholic church is evidenced by the fact of its being the most powerful, for often has it been tested by the attacks of 1 For an account of Arianism, see Socrates, b. i. ch. 5 â 9.
12 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF SOZOMEX. [u. I. C. 2.
opinionists of antagonistic dogmas : yet, the disposal of the lot being of God, the Catholic church has maintained its own ascendency, has re-assumed its own power, and has led all the churches and the people to the reception of its own truth.
I have had to deliberate whether I ought to confine myself to the recital of events connected with the church under the Koman government ; but it seemed more advisable to include, as far as possible, the record of transactions relative to religion among the Persians and barbarians. Nor is it fo reign to ecclesiastical history to introduce in this work an ac count of those who were the fathers and originators of what is denominated monachism, and of their immediate successors, whose celebrity is well known to us either by observation or report. For I would neither be considered ungracious,1 and willing to consign their virtue to oblivion, nor yet be thought ignorant of their history ; but I would wish to leave behind me such a record of their manner of life that others, led by their example, might attain to a blessed and happy end. As the work proceeds, these subjects shall, therefore, meet with due attention.
I now, in full reliance upon the help and propitiousness of God, proceed to the narrative of events ; so here closes the introduction to the work.
CHAP. II. â OF THE BISHOPS OF THE LARGE TOWNS IN THE
REIGN OF CONSTANTINE; AND HOW, FROM FEAR OF LICIN1US, CHRISTIANITY WAS PROFESSED IN SECRET IN THE EAST AS FAR AS LIBYA, WHILE IN THE WEST, THROUGH THE FAVOUR OF CONSTANTINE, IT WAS OPENLY PROFESSED.
A. u. 324. â DURING the consulate of Constantino Cresar and Crispus Caesar, Silvester governed the church of Rome, Alex ander that of Alexandria, and Macarius that of Jerusalem. No one, since Romanus,- had been appointed over the church of Antioch on the Orontes, for the persecution, it appears,
1 Valesius thinks that it is to be inferred from this passage that Sozo- men was a monk himself.
3 Who this Romanus was is \mcertain, as his name does not occur in the catalogue of bishops of Antioch according to Hieronymus and Nice- phorus. In one catalogue, however, in the Florentine Library, his name occurs next before that of Cyril.
A. D. 312.] VISION OF THE CROSS. 13
had prevented the ceremony of ordination from taking place. The bishops assembled at Nicrea were, however, so sensible of the purity of the life and doctrines of Eustathius, that they adjudged him worthy to fill the apostolic throne; he was then bishop of Beroea, a place in the neighbourhood ; they, therefore, translated him to Antioch.1
The Christians of the East, as far as Libya on the borders of Egypt, did not dare to meet openly as a church, for Licinius had withdrawn his favour from them ; but the Christians of the West, the Greeks, the Macedonians, and the Illyrians, met for worship in safety through the protection of Constan- tine, who was then at the head of the Roman empire.2
CHAP. III. â BY THE VISION OF THE CROSS, AND BY THE AP PEARANCE OF CHRIST, CONSTANTINE IS LED TO EMBRACE CHRISTIANITY. â HE RECEIVES RELIGIOUS INSTRUCTION FROM OUR BRETHREN.
WE have been informed that Constantine was led to honour the Christian religion by the concurrence of several different events, particularly by the appearance of a sign from heaven. When he first formed the resolution of entering into a war against Maxentius, he was beset with doubts as to the means of carrying on his military operations, and as to the quarter whence he could look for assistance. In the midst of his per plexity, he saw, in a vision, the sight of the cross3 shining in heaven. He was amazed at the spectacle, but some holy angels, who were standing by, exclaimed, " O Constantine! by this, go forth to victory ! " And Christ himself appeared to him, and showed him the symbol of the cross, and commanded him to construct one like unto it, and to retain it as his help in battle, as it would insure the victory. Eusebius, surnamed Pamphilus,4 affirms that he heard the emperor declare with an oath that, as he was reclining, about the middle of the day, he and the soldiers who were with him saw in heaven the
1 Compare Socrates, b. i. ch. 13, and 24.
2 For an account of the treatment of the Christians by Licinius, and the Avar between Constantine and Licinius on their account, see Socrates, b. i. ch. 3, and 4.
3 With this chap, compare the parallel account in Socrates, b. i. ch. 2.
4 Compare Life of Constantino, b. i. ch, 28.
14 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF SOZOMEX. [li. 1. C. 4.
trophy of the cross composed of light, and encircled by the following words, " By this, go forth to victory." This sign met him by the way, when he was perplexed as to whither he should lead his army. While he was reflecting on what this could mean, night came on ; and when he fell asleep, Christ appeared1 with the sign which he had seen in heaven, and commanded him to construct a representation of the symbol, and to use it as his help in hostile encounters. There was nothing further to be elucidated, for the emperor clearly ap prehended the necessity of serving God. At daybreak, he called together the priests of Christ, and questioned them con cerning their doctrines. They opened the Sacred Scriptures, and expounded the truth- relative to Christ, and showed him, from the prophets, how the things which had been predicted had been fiillilled. The sign which had appeared to him was the symbol, they said, of the victory over hell; for Christ came among men, was st niched upon the cross, died, and returned to life the third day. On this account, they said, there was hope that at the close of the present dispensation, there would be a general resurrection of the dead, and entrance upon immortality, when those who had led a good life would receive accordingly, and those who had done evil would be punished. Yet, continued they, the means of salvation and of purification from sin are provided ; namely, for the unini tiated,2 initiation according to the canons of the church ; and, for the initiated, abstinence from renewed transgression. But as few, even among holy men, are capable of complying with this latter condition, another method of purification is set forth, namely, repentance ; for God, in his love towards man, be stows forgiveness on those who have fallen into sin, on their repentance, and the confirmation of their repentance by good works.
CHAP. IV. â COXSTANTINE COMMANDS THE SIGN OF THE CROSS TO BE CARRIED BEFORE HIM IN BATTLE.
THE emperor, amazed at the prophecies concerning Christ which were expounded to him by the priests, sent for some
1 Compare Life of Constantino, b. i. ch. 29.
2 That is, for the unbaptized and catechumens ; the baptized were called the "initiated" (01 fiffjLvrj pivot) and "enlightened" (oi
THE TIME OF COXSTANTINE's CONVERSION. 15
skilful artisans, and commanded them to remodel the standard called by the Romans Labarum,1 to convert it into a repre sentation of the cross, and to adorn it with gold and precious stones. This warlike trophy was valued beyond all others, for it was always carried before the emperor, and was wor shipped by the soldiery. I think that Constantine changed the most honourable symbol of the Roman power into the sign of Christ, chiefly that by the habit of having it always in view, and of worshipping it, the soldiers might be induced to abandon their ancient forms of superstition, and to recognise the true God whom the emperor worshipped, as their leader, and their help in battle : for this symbol was always borne in front of the household legions, and was, at the command of the emperor, carried among the phalanxes in the thickest of the fight, by an illustrious band of spearmen, of whom each one in turn took the standard upon his shoulders, and paraded it through the ranks. It is said that on one occasion, on an unexpected movement of the hostile forces, the man who held the standard placed it in the hands of another, and fled ; when he got beyond the reach of the enemy's weapons, he suddenly received a wound and fell, wThile the man who had stood by the divine symbol remained unhurt, although many weapons were aimed at him ; for the missiles of the enemy, directed by Divine agency, lighted upon the standard, and the bearer thereof was preserved in the midst of danger. It is also asserted, that no soldier who bore this standard in battle was ever killed, wounded, or taken prisoner.
CHAP. V. â REFUTATION OF THE ASSERTION THAT CONSTANTINE
EMBRACED CHRISTIANITY IN CONSEQUENCE OF THE DEATH OF HIS SON CRISPUS.
I AM aware that it is reported by the Greeks that Constan tine, after slaying some of his nearest relations, and particular ly after assenting to the murder of his son Crispus, repented
1 Labarum or Laborum. This was the name oy which, the standard was known to the Eastern Fathers. Gregory Nazianzen and others de rive the term from " Labor." Valesius assents to this derivation, and supports it from the words of Sozomen below, adding " Laborum dic tum est, quod laboranti aciei presidium sit salutare," and referring to Gretser, de Cruce, lib. ii.
16 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF SOZOMEX. [u. I. C. O.
of his evil deeds, and inquired of Sosipater,1 the philosopher, who was then master of tlie school of Plotinus, concerning the means of purification from guilt. The philosopher (so the story goes) replied that such moral defilement could admit of no purification ; the emperor was grieved at this repulse, but happening to meet with some bishops who told him that he would be cleansed from sin on repentance and on submitting to baptism, lie was delighted with their representations and doc trines, and became a Christian, and the leader of those who were converted to the same faith. It appears to me that this story was the invention of persons who desired to vilify the Christian religion. Crispus.- on whose account, it is said, Constantino required purification, did not die till the twentieth year of his father's reign ; he held the second place in the empire and bore the name of Ciesar, and many laws, framed with his sanction, in favour of Christianity, are still extant. That this was the case, can be proved by referring to the dates affixed to these laws, and to the lists of the legislators. It does not appear likelv that Sosipater had any intercourse with Constantino, whose government was then centred in the regions near the ocean and the Rhine ; for his dispute with Maxentius, the governor of Italy, had created so much dis sension in the Roman dominions, that it was then no easy matter to dwell in Gaul, in Britain, or in the neighbouring countries, in which, it is universally admitted, Constantino em braced the religion of the Christians, previous to his war with Maxentius, and prior to his return to Rome and Italy : and this is evidenced by the dates of the laws which he enacted in favour of religion. But even granting that Sosipater chanced to meet the emperor, or that he had epistolary corre spondence with him, it cannot be imagined the philosopher was ignorant that Hercules, the son of Alcmena, obtained purification at Athens by the celebration of the mysteries of Ceres, after the murder of his children, and of Iphitus,3 his guest and friend. That the Greeks held that purification
1 Or Sopater. A philosopher of Apamia in Syria, and an intimate friend of Constantine the Great, who however put him to death upon some pretext.
2 Crispus was put to death by Constantine on account of a false accusa tion preferred against him by his step-mother Fausta. See St. Chrysostom, Horn. XT. in Philipp. Arnmian. Marccllinus, xiv. 11.
3 See Sophocles Trachiniae.
CONSTANTIUS AND COXSTANTINE. 17
from guilt of this nature could be obtained, is obvious from the instance I have just alleged, and he is a false calumniator who represents that Sosipater taught the contrary. I cannot admit the possibility of the philosopher's having been ignorant of these facts ; for he was at that period esteemed the most learned man in Greece.
CHAP. VI. â CONSTANTINE THE GREAT CAUSES CHRISTIANITY TO BE PREACHED THROUGHOUT THE WORLD.
UNDER the government of Constantine, the churches flour ished, and increased in numbers, they were enriched by the benevolence and favour of the emperor, and God preserved them from the persecutions and troubles which they had pre viously encountered. When the churches were suffering from persecution in other parts of the world, Constantius alone, the father of Constantine, protected the Christians. I know of an extraordinary fact relating to him, which is worthy of being recorded. He wished to test the fidelity of certain Christians, excellent and good men, who were attached to his palace. He called them all together, and told them that if they would sacrifice to idols as well as serve God, they should remain in his service and retain their appointments ; but that if they re fused compliance with his wishes, they should be sent from the palace, and should scarcely escape his vengeance. When difference of judgment had divided them into two parties, separating those who consented to abandon their religion from those who preferred the honour of God to their present wel fare, the emperor determined upon retaining those who had adhered to their faith as his friends and counsellors ; but he turned away from the others, whom he regarded as unmanly impostors, and sent them from his presence, judging that they who had so readily betrayed their God, could not be faithful to their king. Hence, as Christians were deservedly retained in the service of Constantius, he was not willing that Chris tianity should be accounted unlawful in the countries beyond the confines of Italy, that is to say, in Gaul, in Britain, or in the region of the Pyrenean mountains as far as the Western Ocean. When Constantine succeeded to this government, the affairs of the churches became still more prosperous. And
[SOZOMEN.] C
18 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF SOZOMEN. [li. I. C. 7.
when Maxentius, the son of Ilerculius, was slain, the govern ment of his provinces devolved upon Constantino ; and the nations who dwelt by the river Tiber and the Eridanus, the people who were called the aborigines of Padua, those who dwelt by the Aquiline, whither, it is said, the ship of Argos was dragged, and the inhabitants of the coasts of the Tyr rhenian Sea, were permitted the exercise of their religion without molestation.
When the Argonauts fled from JEetes, they returned home wards by a different route, crossed the sea of Scythia, sailed up the month of some river, and so gained the shores of Italy, where they built a city, which they called Ilemona.1 The following summer, with the assistance of the people of the country, they dragged their ship, by means of machinery, the distance of four hundred stadia, and so reached the Aquiline, a river which falls into the Kridanns : the Eridanus itself falls into the Italian Sea.
After the battle of Cibnhiv the Greeks and the Mace donians, the inhabitants of the banks of the Danube, of Achaia, and the whole nation of Illyria, became subject to Constantine.
CHAP. VII. â CONCERNING THE DISPUTE BETWEEN CONSTAN TINE AND L1CIN1US, HIS BROTHER-IN-LAW, ABOUT THE CHRIS- TlANS. â DEFEAT AND DEATH OE LICINIUS.
AFTER this battle, Licinius, who had previously respected the Christians, withdrew his favour from them, and ill-treated many of the priests who lived under his government ; he also persecuted several other persons, but especially the soldiers. He was deeply incensed against the Christians on account of his disagreement with Constantine, and thought to wound him by their sufferings ; and, besides, he suspected that they earn estly desired that Constantine alone should enjoy the sovereign rule. In addition to all this, we may mention that, when on the eve of another war with Constantine, Licinius, in order to prepare his mind for the event of the contest, had recourse to
1 Or Haemus. Compare Pliny, b. iii. ch. 18. It was situated near the Julian Alps, on the confines of Italy and Noricum.
2 The battle in -which Licinius was routed bv Constantine, A. n. 314.
A. D. 324.] DEATH OF LICINIUS. 19
sacrifices and oracles, and that, deceived by promises of power, he returned to the religion of the Greeks. The Greeks them selves, too, relate that, about this period, he consulted the oracle of Apollo Didymus at Miletus, concerning the result of the war, and received an answer from the demon, couched in the following words of Homer : 1
. Much, old man, do the youths distress thee, warring against thee ! Feeble thy strength has become, but thy old age yet shall be hardy.
It has often appeared to me that the Christian religion is supported, and its advancement secured, by the superintend ence of Divine Providence ; but never was I more fully con vinced of this truth, than by the circumstances which occurred at this period ; for, at the very moment that Licinius was about to persecute all the churches in his dominions, the war in Bithynia broke out, which ended in a war between him and Constantine, and in which Constantine was so strengthened by Divine assistance, that he was victorious by land and by sea. On the destruction of his fleet and army, Licinius re tired to Nicomedia, and resided for some time at Thessalonica as a private individual, but was eventually killed. Such was the end of one who, at the beginning of his reign, had distin guished himself in war and in peace, and who had been hon oured by receiving the sister of Constantine in marriage.
CHAP. VIII. â CONSTANTINE LEGALIZES THE PROFESSION OF
THE CHRISTIAN RELIGION, CONSTRUCTS RELIGIOUS EDIFICES, AND PERFORMS OTHER DEEDS FOR THE PUBLIC WELFARE.
As soon as the sole government of the Roman empire was vested in Constantine, he issued a decree2 commanding all the people of the East to honour the Christian religion, to wor ship the Divine Being, and to recognise, as God alone, the one true God whose power endureth for ever and ever : for he delighteth to give all good things abundantly to those who zealously embrace the truth ; he prospers their undertakings and fulfils their desires, while misfortunes, whether in peace
1 Iliad x. 132.
3 ypd/jjua djjjuoffiov. The decree is given at full length by Eusebius. See Life of Constantine, b. ii. ch. 24. c 2
20 ECCLESIASTICAL I1ISTORY OF SOZOMEX. [B. I. C. 8.
or in war, whether in public or in private life, befall trans gressors. Constantine then added, but without vain boasting, that, God having accounted him meet and worthy to reign, he had been led from the British seas to the Eastern pro vinces in order that the Christian religion might be extended, and that the worshippers of God, who had confessed His name and had remained faithful under sufferings, might be advanced to public honours. After making these statements, he entered upon other details connected with the interests of religion. He decreed that all acts and judgments passed by the persecutors of the church against Christianity should be revoked ; and commanded that all those who, on account of their confession of Christ, had been sent to banishment â (cither to the isles or elsewhere, contrary to their own inclin ation) â and all those who had been condemned to labour in the mines, the public works, the manufactures, or had been enrolled as public functionaries, should be restored to liberty. He removed the stigma of dishonour from those upon whom it had been cast, and permitted those who had been deprived of high appointments in the army, either to re-assume the command, or to remain in privacy, according to their own choice ; and when he recalled them to the enjoyment of their former liberties and honours, he likewise restored their pos sessions. In the case of those who had been slain, and whose property had been confiscated, he enacted that the inheritance should be transferred to the next of kin, or, in default of heirs, to the church belonging to the locality where the estate was situated : and when the inheritance had passed into other hands, and had become either private or national property, he commanded it to be restored. He likewise promised to resort to the fittest and best possible arrangements when the property had been purchased by the Exchequer, or had been received therefrom by gift. These measures, as it has been said, having been enacted by the emperor, and ratified by law, were forthwith carried into execution. Christians were thus placed in almost all the principal posts of the Roman govern ment ; the worship of false gods was universally prohibited ; and the arts of divination, the dedication of statues, and the celebration of Grecian festivals were interdicted. Many of the most ancient customs observed in the cities fell into disuse ; and, among the Egyptians, the measure used to indicate the
A. D. 324. j CONSTANTINE SOLE EMPEROR. 21
increase of the waters of the Nile, was no longer borne into Grecian temples, but into churches. The combats of gladia tors were then prohibited among the Romans,1 and the cus tom which prevailed among the Phoenicians of Lebanon and Heliopolis, of prostituting virgins before marriage, was abol ished.2 As to the houses of prayer, the emperor repaired those which were of sufficient magnitude, enlarged and beau tified others, and erected new edifices in places in which no building of the kind had existed previously. He furnished the requisite supplies from the imperial treasury, and wrote to the bishops of the cities and the governors of the provinces, desiring them to contribute whatever they wished, and en joining submission and obedience to the hierarchy.
The prosperity of religion kept pace with the increased prosperity of the empire. After the war with Licinius, the emperor was successful in battle against foreign nations ; he conquered the Sarmatians and the people called Goths, and concluded an advantageous treaty with them. These people dwelt beyond the Danube ; and, as they were warlike, strong in numbers, and possessed of a large standing army, they kept the other tribes of barbarians in awe, and found anta gonists in the Romans alone. It is said that, during this war, Constantine perceived clearly, by means of signs and visions, that the special protection of Divine Providence had been extended to him. Hence, when he had vanquished all those who rose up in battle against him, he evinced his thankful ness to Christ by zealous attention to the concerns of religion, and exhorted the governors to recognise the one true faith and way of salvation. He enacted that part of the funds levied from tributary countries should be forwarded by the various cities to the bishops and clergy, wherever they might be domiciled, and commanded that the law enjoining this gift should be a statute for ever. In order to accustom the soldiers to worship God as he did, he had their weapons marked with the symbol of the cross, and he erected a house of prayer in the palace. When he engaged in war, he caused a tent to be
1 A custom censured even by some of the heathens. See Cicero, Tusc. Disp. b. ii. Compare Lactantius, Inst. Div. vi. ch. 20. This custom was forbidden in the East as early as 325 A. D.
2 The same custom is mentioned by Herodotus (i. 94) as having pre vailed in Lydia.
22 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF SOZOMEN. [u. I. 0. 8.
borne before him constructed in the shape of a church, so that in case he or his army might be led into the desert, they might have a sacred edifice in which to praise and worship God, and participate in the mysteries.1 Priests and deacons followed the tent for the purpose of officiating therein, accord ing to the law and regulations of the church. From that period the Roman legions, which now were called by their number, provided each its own tent, with attendant priests and deacons. lie also enjoined the observance of the day termed the Lord's day,'2 which the Jews call the first day of the week, and which the Greeks dedicate to the sun, as likewise the day before the seventh, and commanded that no judicial or other business should be transacted on those days, but that God should be served with prayers and supplications. lie honoured the Lord's day, because on it Christ arose from the dead, and the day above mentioned, because on it he was crucified. He regarded the cross with peculiar reverence, on account both of the power which it conveyed to him in war, and also of the divine manner in which the symbol had appeared to him. He abolished the law which had prevailed among the Romans of putting criminals to death by crucifixion. He commanded that this divine symbol3 should be affixed to his image on coins and pictures ; and this fact is evidenced by the relics of this kind which are still in existence. And indeed he strove in everything, particularly in the enactment of laws, to serve God. It appears, too, that he prohibited many flagitious and licen tious connexions,4 which till that period had not been forbid den ; and, in fact, made so many laws of this kind, that it wouUl, it appears to me, be tedious to recount them, so that I shall now bring this subject to a close. I consider it necessary, however, to mention the laws enacted for the honour and con solidation of religion, as they constitute a considerable portion
1 MuoDjpiW, that is to say the sacraments of the church.
2 Several rescripts of the emperors Theodosius and Justinian ordain that on Sunday the law courts should be closed, as also that theatrical exhibitions should not take place. Compare Euseb. Life of Const, iv. ch. 18.
3 Namely, the cross.
* He probably alludes to the law of Constantino, " de raptu virginum et viduarutn." " See Codex Theodos. lib. ix. tit. 24. Constantine was the first who punished the accessaries to a rape, and who disallowed the custom which permitted the ravisher to go unpunished, if he gained the woman's consent afterwards.
LAWS IN FAVOUR OF THE CLERGY. 23
of Ecclesiastical History. I shall therefore proceed to the recital.
CHAP. IX.â CONSTANTINE ENACTS A LAW IN FAVOUR OF THE CLERGY AND OF THOSE WHO PRESERVE THEIR VIRGINITY.
THERE was an ancient Roman law, by which those who were unmarried at the age of twenty-five were not admitted to the same privileges as the married j1 amongst other clauses in this law, it was specified that they were not to receive any be quests by testament, except2 from their own relatives ; and also, that those who were childless, were to be deprived of half of any property that might be bequeathed to them. The ob ject of this ancient Roman law was to increase the population of Rome and the provinces, which had been much reduced in numbers by the civil wars. The emperor, perceiving that this enactment militated against the interests of those who con tinued in a state of celibacy and remained childless for the sake of God, and deeming it absurd to attempt the multipli cation of the human species by the care and zeal of man â (na ture always receiving increase or decrease according to the fiat from on high) â made a law enjoining that the unmarried and childless should have the same advantages as the married. He even bestowed peculiar privileges on those who embraced a life of continence and virginity, and permitted them, contrary to the usage which prevailed throughout the Roman empire, to make a will before they attained the age of puberty ; for he believed that those who devoted themselves to the service of God and the cultivation of philosophy would, in all cases, judge aright. For a similar reason the ancient Romans per mitted the vestal virgins to make a will as soon as they at tained the age o£ six years, and the emperor was even more influenced by this example than by his reverence for religion.
Constantine likewise enacted a law in favour of the clergy, permitting judgment to be passed by the bishops when litigants preferred appealing to them rather than to the secular court,3
1 The Lex Poppaea. See Tacit. Ann. b. iii.; Euseb. Life of Constant. b. iv. ch. 26.
2 Epiphanius and others omit this word, "except." But, as Lipsius shows, there is good reason to retain it. See Diet, of Greek and Roman Antiquities, art. Lex Papia.
3 Constantine makes mention of this law in his epistle to the bishops of
24 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF SOZOMEX. [Âğ. I. C. 10
he enacted that their decree should be valid, and as far su perior to that of other judges as if pronounced by the emperor himself; that the governors and subordinate military oificers should see to the execution of these decrees ; and that sentence, when passed by them, should be irreversible.
Having arrived at this point of my history, it would not be right to omit all mention of the laws passed in favour of those individuals in the churches who had received their freedom. Owing to the strictness of the laws and the unwillingness of masters, there were many difficulties in the way of the acquisi tion of freedom, that is to say, of the freedom of the city of Rome ; Constantino, therefore, made three laws, enacting, that all those individuals whose freedom should be attested by the priests, should receive the freedom of Koine. The records of these pious regulations are still extant, it having been the custom to engrave on tablets all laws relating to manumission. Such were the enactments of Constantino; in everything he sought to promote the honour of religion : and religion was valued, not only for its own sake, but also on account of the virtue of those who then professed it.
CHAP. X. â CONCERNING THE GREAT CONFESSORS OF THE FAITH WHO FLOURISHED AT THIS PERIOD.
DURING this period of cessation from persecution, many excellent Christians, and many who had survived the recent troubles and had witnessed a good confession, adorned the churches ; among these were Ilosius,1 bishop of Cordova, Amphion,2 bishop of Epiphania in Cilicia, Maximus, who suc ceeded Macarius in the bishopric of Jerusalem, and Paphnu- tius,3 an Egyptian. It is said that by this latter God wrought many miracles, enabling him to expel demons and to heal divers kinds of sickness. This Paphnutius, and Maximus, whom we just mentioned, were among the number of confess-
Nunu'dia. Sec also Baronius Ann. A. D. 316. Euseb. Eccl. Hist. x. ch. 7 ; Cod. Theodos. Tit. de Episc. leg. 2.
1 For a further account of Ilosius, comp. Socrates, b. i. ch. 7, and 13.
- Amphion is mentioned by Athanasius in his First Oration against the Allans.
3 See Socrates, b. i. ch. 8, and 11.
A. D. 324.] ST. SPYRIDION. 25
ors whom Maximinus condemned to the mines, after having deprived them of the right eye, and the use of the left leg.
CHAP. XI. â ACCOUNT OF ST. SPYRIDION; HIS MODESTY AND
TRANQUILLITY.
bishop of Trimithon in Cyprus, flourished at this period. His virtues are evidenced by the fame which still surrounds his name. The wonderful works which lie wrought by Divine assistance are, it appears, generally known by those who dwell in the same region. I shall not conceal the records concerning him which have come to my knowledge. He was a peasant, was married, and had children, yet was not, on this account, deficient in spiritual attainments. It is related that one night some wicked men entered his sheepfold, and were in the act of stealing his sheep, when they were suddenly bound, and yet no one bound them ; the next day, when he went to the fold, he found them there, and released them from their invisible bonds : he reproved them for having come as thieves by night to steal the sheep, instead of having asked for them. He felt compassion towards them, and, de sirous of affording them instruction, so as to induce them to lead a better life, he said to them, " Go, and take this ram with you ; it is not just that all your labour should be in vain, or that you should return empty-handed after having watched all night." This action is well worthy admiration, but not less so is that which I shall now relate. An individual con fided a deposit to the care of his daughter, who was a virgin, and was named Irene. For greater security, she buried it ; and it so happened that she died soon after, without mention ing the circumstance to any one. The person to whom the deposit belonged came to ask for it ; Spyridion knew not what answer to give him, so he searched the whole house for it ; but not being able to find it, the man wept, tore his hair, and seemed ready to expire. Spyridion, touched with pity, went to the grave, and called the girl by name, and inquired where the deposit was concealed ; after obtaining the information de sired, he returned, found the treasure in the place that had been signified to him, and gave it to the owner. As I have 1 Comp. Socrates, b. i. cli. 8, and 12.
26 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF SOZOMEX. [li. I. C. 1 1
entered upon this subject, it may not be amiss to mention another incident.
It was a custom with this Spyridion to give a certain por tion of his fruits to the poor, and to lend another portion with out interest ; but neither in giving or receiving did lie ever take the fruits in his own hands ; he merely pointed out the storehouse, and told those who resorted to him to take as much as they needed, or to restore what they had borrowed. A certain man once came to return what had been lent to him, and Spyridion, as usual, desired him to replace it in the store house. The man determined to act unjustly, and, imagining that the matter would be concealed, did not liquidate the debt, but went away under pretence of having made restoration. This, however, could not be l<>im- concealed. After some time the man came back again to borro\v, and was sent to the store house, with permission to measure out for himself as much as lie required. Finding the storehouse empty, he went to ac quaint Spyridion, and this latter said to him, " I wonder, O man, how it is that you alone have found the storehouse empty and unsupplied with the articles you require; reflect whether you do not now stand in need of the things which you did riot restore ; were it otherwise, what you seek would not be lack ing. Go, trust, and you will find." The man felt the reproof and acknowledged his error.
The lirmness of this divine man, and his excellent adminis tration of ecclesiastical affairs, are worthy of admiration. It is said that on one occasion, the bishops of Cyprus met to con sult on some particular emergency ; Spyridion was present, as likewise Triphyllius,1 bishop of Ledra, an eloquent and learned man, who had studied the law for many years at Bcrytus.a Having been requested to address the people, Triphyllius had occasion, in the middle of his discourse, to quote the text, " Take up thy bed and walk ;"3 and he substituted the word "couch" (ffdfjnrovQ), for the word "bed" (xpdfifiuroQ). Spyri- dion, indignant at this refinement upon the text, exclaimed, "Art thou greater than he who uttered the word ^bedj that
1 This Triphyilius is mentioned by Hieronymus (de Scriptor. Eccles.) as the author of a commentary on the Canticle, or Song of Solomon.
2 Berytus in Phoenicia was celebrated for its school of law, in which, among others, Gregory Thaumaturgus is said to have studied.
3 St. Matthew ix. G.
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF THE MONKS. 27
thou art ashamed to use his words ?" Then, turning from the throne of the priest,he looked towards the people, and said that such learning ought to be used with moderation, lest the pride of eloquence should arise. His age and honourable deeds excited re spect, and he ranked high among the presbytery, not only on ac count of his age, but because he had been long in the priesthood. The reception which Spyridion gave to strangers will appear from the following incident. When he was about eighty years of age, it happened that a traveller came to visit him at one of those periods of the year when it was his custom to fast, with his household,1 on alternate days. Perceiving that the stranger w^as much fatigued, Spyridion desired his daughter to wash his feet and set meat before him. The virgin replying that there was neither bread nor meat in the house, for it would have been su perfluous to provide such things at the time of the fast, Spyri dion, after having prayed and asked forgiveness, desired her to cook some salt pork which chanced to be in the house. When it was prepared, he sat down to table with the stranger, par took of the meat, and told him to follow his example. But the stranger declining, under the plea of being a Christian, he said to him, "It is for that very reason that you ought not to decline partaking of the meat, for it is taught in the word of God, that to the pure all things are pure."2 Such are the details which I had to relate concerning Spyridion.
CHAP. XII.â ON THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OP THE MONKS; â THEIR ORIGIN AND FOUNDERS.
A. D. 324. â THOSE who at this period had embraced monas- ticism,3 manifested the glory of the church, and evidenced the truth of their doctrines, by their virtuous line of conduct, In deed, the most useful thing that has been received by man from God is their philosophy.4 They neglected many branches of ma thematics and the technicalities of dialects, because they regarded
1 TIJQ TtffffapaKoffriJG fVffrd(rr]Q. While it was Lent, and probably holy week. See Tertull. de Pat. ch. 13, and De Jejun. ch. 14.
2 Acts x. 15, 28, and Tit. i. 15.
3 On the origin and growth of the monastic system, see Socrates, iv. ch. 23, and comp. Gibbon, Decl. and Fall, ch. 37, and Bingham's Christian Antiq. b. vii.
4 The word (pikoao^tiv is constantly used by the early Christian his torians to signify the practice of asceticism.
28 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF SOZOMEN. [l5. I. C. 12.
such studies as superfluous, and as a useless expenditure of time, seeing that they contribute nothing towards the better regula tion of life and conduct. They applied themselves exclusively to the cultivation of natural and useful science, in order that they might mitigate if not eradicate evil. They invariably refrained from accounting any action or principle as good which occupies a middle place between virtue and vice, for they delighted only in what is good and virtuous. They regarded every man as wicked, who, though he abstain from evil, does not do good. They practised virtue, not only in word but in deed, and sought not honour of man. They manfully subju gated the passions of the soul, yielding neither to the necessities of nature, nor to the weakness of the body. Being strength ened by Divine assistance, they lived in ceaseless contemplation of the Creator, night and day worshipping him, and offering up prayers and supplications. Pure in heart and blameless in conduct, they faithfully performed their religious duties, and despised such outward observances as lustrations and instruments of sprinkling, for they believed that sin alone requires purging. They lived above the reach of the external casualties to which we are liable, and held, as it were, all things under their control ; and were not therefore diverted from the path they had selected by the accidents of life or by the force of necessity. They never revenged themselves when injured, nor complained when suffering from disease or privations, but rather rejoiced in such trials, and endured them with patience and meekness. They accustomed them selves to be content with little, and approximated as nearly to God as is possible to human nature. They regarded this life only as a journey, and were not therefore solicitous about acquiring wealth, or amassing more than necessity required. They admired the beauty and simplicity of nature, but their hope was placed in heaven and the blessedness of the future. Wholly absorbed in the worship of God, they revolted from obscene language ; and as they had banished evil practices, so they would not allow such things to be even named. They limited, as far as possible, the demands of nature, and com pelled the body to be satisfied with moderate supplies. They overcame intemperance by temperance, injustice by justice, and falsehood by truth, and attained the happy medium in all things. They dwelt in harmony and fellowship with their
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF THE MONKS. 29
neighbours. They provided for their friends and strangers, imparted to those who were in want, according to their need, and comforted the afflicted. As they were diligent in all things, and zealous in seeking the supreme good, their instruc tions, though clothed in modesty and prudence, and devoid of vain and meritricious eloquence, possessed power, like sove reign medicines, in healing the moral diseases of their audi ence ; they spoke, too, with fear and reverence, and eschewed all strife, raillery, and anger. Indeed, it is but reasonable to suppress all irrational emotions, and to subdue carnal and natural passions. Elias the prophet and John the Baptist were the authors, as some say, of this sublime philosophy. Philo the Pythagorean l relates, that in his time the most vir tuous of the Hebrews assembled from all parts of the world, and settled in a tract of country situated on a hill near Lake Mareotis, for the purpose of living as philosophers. He de scribes their dwellings, their regulations, and their customs, as similar to those which we now meet with among the monks of Egypt. He says that from the moment they began to ap ply to the study of philosophy, they gave up their property to their relatives, relinquished business and society, and, quit ting the cities, dwelt in fields and in gardens. They had also, he informs us, sacred edifices which were called monas teries, in which they dwelt apart and alone, occupied in cele brating the holy mysteries, and in worshipping God with psalms and hymns. They never tasted food before sunset, and some only took food every third day, or even at longer intervals. Finally, he says that on certain days they lay on the ground and abstained from wine and the flesh of animals ; that their food was bread, salt, and hyssop, and their drink, water ; and that there were aged virgins among them, who, for the sake of philosophy, had refrained from marriage. In this narrative, Philo seems to describe2 certain Jews who had embraced Christianity, and yet retained the customs of their nation, for no vestiges of this manner of life are to be found
1 Valesius would prefer to read " the Platonist; " in accordance with the ancient proverb, which says " either Philo is a Platonist or Plato is a Philonist."
2 Compare Euseb. Eccl. Hist. ii. ch. 17, where he attributes to the Christians what is said by Philo concerning ⢠the Therapeutse, as these Jews were called. They were neither ascetic Christians nor yet Essenes.
30 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF SOZOMKN. [Âğ. 1. C. 13.
elsewhere ; anÂğl hence I conclude that this philosophy flour ished in Egypt from this period. Others, however, assert that this mode of life originated from the persecutions for the sake of religion which arose from time to time, and hy which many were compelled to lice to the mountains and deserts and forests, ami adopt these customs.
CHAP. XIII. â ANTONY THE C;RI;AT AND ST. PAUL.
WIIETIIKU the Egyptians or others are to be regarded as the founders of this philosophy, it is universally admitted that it was carried to perfection by Antony,1 an ascetic, virtuous, and renowned monk. His fame was so widely spread through out the deserts of Egypt, that the emperor Constantine sought his friendship, entered into epistolary correspondence with him, and urged him to p roller any request that he might desire. lie was an Egyptian by birth, and belonged to an illustrious family of Coma, a village situated near the town, called by the Egyptians Ileraclea. He was but a youth when he lost his parents ; he bestowed his paternal inheritance upon his fellow-villagers, sold the rest of his possessions, and dis tributed the proceeds among the needy ; for he was aware that; philosophy does not merely consist in the relinquishment of pro perty, but in the proper distribution of it. lie obtained the ac quaintance of the most eminent men of his time, and strove to imitate all the virtues displayed by others. Believing that the practice of goodness would become delightful by habit, though arduous at the onset, he entered upon a course of rigid and in creasing austerity, and day by day his zeal seemed to augment, just as it' lie were always re-commencing his undertaking. He subdued the voluptuousness of the body by labour, and restrain ed the passions of the mind by the aid of the Divine wisdom. His food was bread and salt, his drink water, and he never broke his fast till after sunset. He often remained two or more days without eating. lie watched, so to speak, throughout the night, and continued in prayer till day-break. If at any time he indulged in sleep, it was but for a little while on a mat spread upon the ground, but generally he lay upon the ground itself. He rejected the practice of anointing with oil, and of
1 Compare Socrates, b. i. eh. 21.
A. D. 309.] ANTONY THE GREAT. 31
bathing, regarding such habits as likely to relax the body by moisture ; and it is said that he never at any time saw him self naked. He neither possessed nor admired learning, but he valued a good understanding, as being prior to learning, and as being the origin and source of it. He was exceedingly meek and philanthropic, prudent and manly ; cheerful in con versation and friendly in disputations, even when others used" the controverted topics as occasion for strife. He possessed so much skill and sagacity, that he restored moderation, and stilled altercations at their very commencement, and tempered the ardour of those who conversed with him. Although, on account of his extraordinary virtues, he received the gift of foretelling future events, he never regarded this power as being superior to virtue, nor did he counsel others to seek this gift rashly, for he considered that no one would be punished or rewarded according to his ignorance or knowledge of futurity : for true blessedness consists in the service of God, and in obeying his commands. " But," said he, " if any man would know the future, let him seek spiritual purification, for then he will have power to walk in the light, and to foresee things that are to happen, for God will reveal the future to him." He never suifered himself to be idle, but exhorted all those who seemed disposed to lead a good life to diligence in labour, to self-examination and confession of sin before Him who created the day and the night ; and when they erred, lie urged them to record the transgression in writing, that so they might be ashamed of their sins, and be fearful lest they should come to the knowledge of others. He zealously defended those who were oppressed, and in their cause often resorted to the cities ; for many came out to him, and compelled him to in tercede for them with the rulers and men in power. All the people honoured him, listened with avidity to his discourses, and yielded assent to his arguments ; but lie preferred to re main unknown and concealed in the deserts. When com pelled to visit a city, he never failed to return to the deserts as soon as he had accomplished the work he had undertaken ; for he said, that as fishes are nourished in the water, so the desert is the world prepared for monks ; and as fishes die when thrown upon dry land, so monks lose their gravity in the world. His deportment was polite and courteous towards all, and free from the very appearance of pride. I have given
32 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF SOZOMEX. [B. I. C. 14.
this concise account of the manners of Antony, in order that an idea of his philosophy may be formed, by analogy, from the description of his conduct in the desert.
He had many renowned disciples, of whom some flourished in Egypt, and others in Libya, Palestine, Syria, and Arabia; like their master, they all dwelt in solitude, and subjugated themselves, and they instructed others in philosophy and vir tue. But it would be difficult to find the disciples of Antony or their successors, for they sought concealment more earnestly than many ambitious men, by means of pomp and show, now seek popularity and renown.
We must relate, in chronological order, the history of the most celebrated disciples of Antony, and particularly that of Paul, surnamed the Simple. It is said that he dwelt in the country, and was married to a beautiful woman, and that, having surprised her in the act of adultery, he declared, with a smiling and placid countenance, that he would live with her no longer ; that he left her with the adulterer, and went imme diately to join Antony in the desert. It is further related, that lie was exceedingly meek and patient ; and that, being aged and unaccustomed to monastic severity, Antony put his strength to the proof bv various trials ; and that, having given evidence of perfect philosophy, he was sent to live alone, as no longer requiring a teacher. And God himself confirmed the testi mony of Antony; for Paul manifested his illustrious character by his wonderful works and by his power in expelling demons, in which he even surpassed his teacher.
CHAP. XIV. â ACCOUNT OF ST. AMMON AND EUTYCHIUS OF OLYMPUS.
IT was about this period that Ammon l the Egyptian em braced philosophy. It is said that he was compelled to marry by his family, but that his wife never knew him carnally ; for on the day of their marriage, when they were alone, and when he as the bridegroom was leading her as the bride to his bed, he said to her, " Oh woman ! our marriage has indeed taken place, but it is not consummated;" and then he showed her from the Holy Scriptures that it is good to remain a virgin, 1 Compare Socrat. Eccles. Hist. b. iv. ch. 23.
A. D. 309â -324.] LIFE OF ST. AMMON. 33
and entreated that they might live apart. She was convinced by his arguments concerning virginity, but was much distressed by the thought of being separated from him ; and therefore, though occupying a separate bed, he lived with her for eighteen years, during which time he did not neglect the mon astic exercises. At the end of this period, the woman, whose emulation had been strongly excited by his virtues, became convinced that it was not just that such a man should, on her account, live in the domestic sphere ; and she considered that it was necessary that each should, for the sake of philosophy, live apart from the other. The husband therefore took his de parture, after having thanked God for the counsel of his wife, and said to her, "Do thou retain this house, and I will make another for myself." He retired to a desert place, south of the Mareotic Lake, between Scitis and the mountain called Nitria ; and here, during two and twenty years, he devoted himself to philosophy, and visited his wife twice every year. This divine man founded monasteries in the regions where he dwelt, and gathered round him many disciples of note, whom we shall have occasion to mention hereafter. Many extraor dinary events happened to him, which have been diligently re corded by the Egyptian monks, for they sought to hand down, in unbroken tradition, the record of the virtues of the ancient ascetics. I have here related a few such facts as have come to my knowledge.
Amrnon and his disciple Theodore had once occasion to take a long journey, and on the road found it requisite to cross a watercourse called Lycus. Ammon ordered Theodore to pass over backwards, lest they should witness each other's nudity, and as he was likewise ashamed to see himself naked, he was suddenly, and by a divine impulse, seized and carried over, and landed on the opposite bank. When Theodore had crossed the water, he perceived that the clothes and feet of the elder were not wet, and inquired the reason ; not receiving a reply, he expostulated strongly on the subject, and at length Ammon, after stipulating that it should not be mentioned during his lifetime, confessed the fact.
Here follows another miracle of the same nature. Some wicked people having brought to him their son, who had been bitten by a mad dog, and was nigh unto death, in order that
[SOZOMEN.] D
34 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF SOZOMEX. [n. I. C. 14.
lie might heal him, lie said to them : "Your son does not re quire my interposition ; restore to your masters the ox you have stolen, and he will be healed." And the result was even as had been predicted, for the ox was restored and the malady of the child removed. It is said that, when Ammon died, Antony saw his spirit ascending into heaven and surrounded by hea venly beings, singing hymns ; Antony regarded this wonderful speetaele with intense amazement, and on being questioned by his companions as to the cause of his evident astonishment, ho did not conceal the matter from them. A short time after, certain persons came from Scitis, bringing the intelligence of Ammon's death; and the hour in which they stated this event to have taken place was precisely that which had been indi cated by Antony. Thus, as is testiiied by all good men, each of these holy persons was blessed in a special manner : the one, by being released from this life ; the other, by being accounted worth v of witnessing so miraculous a spectacle as that which God showed him, for Antony and Ammon lived at a distance of many days' journey from each other, and the, above inci dent is corroborated by those who were personally acquainted with them both.
I am convinced that it was likewise during this reign that Eutychius1 embraced philosophy. He iixed his residence in Bithynia, near Olympus. lie belonged to the sect of the Novatians,- and was a partaker of divine grace ; he healed diseases, and wrought miracles, and the fame of his virtuous life induced Constantine to seek his intimacy and friendship. It so happened that, about this period, a certain person, who was suspected of plotting against the emperor, was apprehended near Olympus, and imprisoned. Eutychius was besought to intercede on his behalf with the emperor, and, in the meantime, to direct that the prisoner's chains might be loosened, lest he should perish beneath their weight. It is related that Eutychius accordingly sent to the officers who held the man in custody, desiring them to loosen the chains ; and that, on their refusal, he went himself to the prison, when the doors, though fastened, opened of their own accord, and the bonds of the prisoner fell
1 Or Eutychianus. Comp. Socrat. Eccl. Hist. b. i. ch. 13.
2 On the person of Novatus, see Euseb. Eccl. Hist. b. vii. ch. 8, and So crates, b. iv. ch. 28.
A. D. 324.] THE ARIAN HERESY. 35
off. Eutychius afterwards repaired to the emperor, who was then residing at Byzantium, and easily obtained a pardon, for Constantine esteemed him too highly to refuse his requests.
I have now given in few words the history of the most illustrious professors of the monastic philosophy. If any one desires further or more exact information, he will find it in the numerous Avorks on the subject which have been issued.
CHAP. XV. â THE ARIAN HERESY, ITS ORIGIN; ITS PROGRESS,
AND THE CONTENTION WHICH IT OCCASIONED AMONG THE BISHOPS.
ALTHOUGH, as we have shown, religion was in a nourish ing condition at this period, yet the Church was disturbed by sore contentions ; for under the pretext of piety and of seek ing the more perfect knowledge of God, certain questions were agitated, which had not, till then, been examined. Arius1 was the originator of these disputations. He was an elder of the Church at Alexandria in Egypt, and was at first a zealous supporter of truth, yet upholding at the same time the inno vations of Melitius. Eventually, however, he abandoned these opinions, and was ordained deacon by Peter, bishop of2 Alex andria, who afterwards cast him out of the Church, because he reprehended the conduct of this prelate in preaching against the Meletians, and in rejecting their baptism. After the martyrdom of Peter, Arius asked forgiveness of Achillas, and was restored to his office as deacon, and afterwards elevated to the presbytery. Alexander, also, held him in high repute. He was a most expert logician, but perverted his talents to evil purposes, and had the audacity to preach what no one be fore him had ever suggested, namely, that the Son of God was made out of that which had no prior existence, that there was a period of time in which He existed not ; that, as possessing
1 See the parallel account of the rise and growth of Arianism in Socrates, b. i. ch. 5 to 9.
2 In the Acta of Peter Martyr, (which are so ancient that they are quoted by Justinian,) it is asserted that Arius was excommunicated on account of his perverse opinions, and not, as Sozomen here says, because he sided with the Meletians. As Valesius remarks, it is somewhat strange that neither Alexander nor Athanasius make any mention of this excommuni cation of Arius by Peter.
D 2
36 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF SOZOMEN. [ll. I. C. 15.
free will, He was capable of virtue, or of vice ; and that lie was created and made : to these, many other similar assertions were added in support of the argument. Those who heard these doctrines advanced, blamed Alexander for not opposing opinions which seemed at variance with the faith. lint this bishop deemed it more advisable to leave each party to the free discussion of doubtful topics, so that by persuasion, rather than by force, unanimity might be restored ; hence he assem bled some of his clergy around him, and sat down, as judge, 1o hear the statements of the contending parties. l>ut it hap pened on this occasion, as is generally the case in a strife of words, that each party claimed the victory. Arius defended the assertions he had advanced against the Son, but the others contended that lie was con-substantial and co-eternal with the Father. The council was convened a second time, and the same points contested, but they came to no agreement amongst themselves. During the debate, Alexander seemed to incline first to one party and then to the other;1 finally, however, he declared himself in favour of those who affirmed that the Son was con-substantial and co-eternal with the Father, and he commanded Arius to receive this doctrine, and to reject his former opinions. Arius, however, would not be persuaded to compliance, and many of the bishops and clergy considered his statement of doctrine to be correct. Alexander, therefore, ejected him. and the clergy who concurred with him in senti ment, from the Church. Those of Alexandria who had em braced his opinions were the presbyters Aithalas, Achillas, Carpon, Sarmates, and Arius,'2 and the deacons Kuzoius, Ma- carius, Julius, Minas, and Ilelladius. ]\Iany of the people, likewise, sided with them ; some, because they imagined their doctrines to be of God, others, as frequently happens in simi lar cases, because they believed them to have been ill-treated and unjustly excommunicated. Such being the state of affairs at Alexandria, the partizans of Arius deemed it prudent to seek the favour of the bishops of other cities; accordingly, they sent a written statement of their doctrines to them, re-
1 Valesius remarks that this statement is not supported by the testimony of any other of the Ecclesiastical writers, and accordingly rejeccs it.
2 In Theodoret, (Ecel. Hist. b. i.) Arius alone is said to have been a presbyter, the rest of those mentioned there, according to Theodoret, were deacons.
A. D. 324.] THE ARIAX HERESY. 37
questing them that, if they considered such sentiments to be of God, they would signify to Alexander that he ought not to molest them ; but that, if they disapproved of the doctrines, they would do well to declare what opinions were necessary to be held on the points in question. This precaution was of no little advantage to Arius and his partizans, for their tenets became thus universally disseminated, and the questions they had started became mattersof debate among all the bishops. Some wrote to Alexander, entreating him not to receive the partizans of Arius into communion unless they repudiated their opinions, while others wrote to urge a contrary line of conduct. When Alexander perceived that many who were eminent for their virtues, their piety, or their eloquence, held with the party of Arius, and particularly Eusebius bishop of Nicornedia, a man of considerable learning, and held in high repute at the palace, he wrote to the bishops of every church, desiring them not to hold communion with them. This mea sure only served to increase the violence of the controversy, and, as might have been expected, the contest was carried on more acrimoniously than before. Eusebius and his partizans had often, though without success, entreated Alexander to continue in communion with them ; and they considered themselves so much aggrieved by this measure, that they came to a stronger determination than before to support the doctrines of Arius. A synod having been convened in Bithynia, they wrote to all the bishops, desiring them to hold communion with the Arians, as .with those making a true con fession, and to require Alexander to hold communion with them likewise. As compliance could not be extorted from Alexander, Arius sent messengers to Paulinus bishop of Tyre, to Eusebius Pamphilus, who presided over the church of Csesarea in Palestine, and to Patrophilus bishop of Scytho- polis, soliciting permission for himself and for his adherents, as he had already attained the rank of presbyter, to form the people who were with them into a church. For it was the custom in Alexandria, as it still is in the present day, that all the churches should be under one bishop, but that each pres byter should have his own church, in which to assemble the people.1 These three bishops, in concurrence with others
1 Epiphanius says the same thing of Alexander, but he adds that, ac cording to Dionysius Petavius, the same custom prevailed from a very
38 ECCLESIASTICAL IIISTOliY OF SOZOMEX. [ll. I. C. 16.
who were assembled in Palestine, granted the petition of Arius, aud permitted him to assemble the people as before ; but enjoined submission to Alexander, and commanded Arius to strive incessantly to be restored to peace and communion with him.
CHAP. XVI. â CONSTAXTINE, HAVING HEARD OF THE STRIFE
OF TIIK Hisnoi's, AND THI-; DII- FKIU.NCK OF OPINION CON CERNING TUF, PASSOVER, IS GREATLY TROfHLED, AND SENDS HOSirs, A SPANIARD, lilSHOP OF CORDOVA, TO ALEXANDRIA, TO SETTLE THESE DISPUTES.
AFTER there had been many synods held in Egypt, and the contest had still continued to increase in violence, the report of the dissension reached the palace, and Constantino was thereby greatly troubled ; for just at this period, when religion was beginning to be more generally propagated, many were deterred by the difference in doctrines from embracing Christianity. The emperor openly charged Arius and Alex ander with having originated this disturbance, and wrote to rebuke them for having made a controversy public which it was in their power to have concealed, and for having conten- tiously agitated a question which ought never to have been mooted, or upon which, at least, their opinion ought to have been quietly given. lie told them that they ought not to have separated from others on account of difference of senti ment concerning certain points of doctrine, and that though they ought to entertain the same views of Divine Providence, yet, that, any occasional variation of judgment on minor or doubtful topics ought to be concealed, lie exhorted them, therefore, to be of one mind, and to refrain from contention ; and added, that the dissension had grieved him so exceed ingly, that he had renounced his intention of journeying to the East. It was in this strain that he wrote to Alexander and to Arius, reproving and exhorting them both.
Constantino was also deeply grieved at the diversity of opinion which prevailed concerning the celebration of the Pass over ; for some of the churches in the East, although they did
early time at Rome. In support of this assertion lie quotes a passage from the epistle of Pope Innocent to Decennius. The passage is curious and valuable, as showing the early origin of the Parochial System.
A. D. 325.] COUNCIL OF NKLEA. 39
not secede from communion with the others, kept the festival more according to the manner of the Jews,1 and thus detracted from its glory. The emperor zealously endeavoured to remove both these causes of dissension from the church ; and, with this view, deputed one who was honoured for his faith, his virtuous life, and his steadfast confession of truth, to put an end to the strife 2 which existed in Egypt on account of doc trine, and in the East on account of the Passover. This man was Hosius, bishop of Cordova.
CHAP. XVII. â OF THE COUXCIL COXVEXED AT NICJSA ox
ACCOUNT OF ARIUS.
WHEN it was found that the event did not answer the ex pectations of the emperor, but that, on the contrary, the breach was widened, so that he who had been sent to make peace, returned without having accomplished his mission, Constantino convened a synod at Nicrca, in Bithynia, and wrote to the most eminent men of the churches in every coun try, directing them to be there on an appointed day. Of those who occupied the apostolic thrones, the following were assem bled at this council: â Macarius, of Jerusalem; Eustathius, who presided over the church of Antioch on the Orontes ; and Alexander, of Alexandria on Lake Mareotis. Julius,3 bishop of Rome, was unable to attend on account of extreme old age ; but his place was supplied by Vito and Vicentius, presbyters of his church. Many other pious and excellent men of the neighbouring provinces were congregated together, of whom some were celebrated for their learning, their eloquence, and their knowledge of literature, sacred and profane ; some for
1 They were called Quartodecimans, because they observed Easter on the 14th day after the new moon. See Socrat. Eccl. Hist. b. v. ch. 22, and Euseb. Eccl. Hist. v. 24.
2 See the whole question fully discussed by Bingham, Christ. Antiq. xx. ch. 5.
3 Valesius remarks that this is an error of Sozomen, and that for Julius we must read Sylvester, who was at that time bishop of Rome. Julius did not become a bishop until eleven years later. Cardinal Perronius pro posed to read TroXiog (aged) instead of 'lov\io£. But the word is not found in prose authors.
40 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF SOZO3IEN. [ÂĞ. I. C.I 7.
the virtuous tenor of their life.1 and others for the combination of all these qualifications. About three hundred and twenty bishops were present, accompanied by a multitude of presby ters and deacons. There were, likewise, men present who were skilled in the art of disputation, and ready to assist in the discussions.2 And, as was usually the case on such occa sions, many priests resorted to the council for the purpose of transacting their own private affairs ; lor they considered this a favourable opportunity of effecting such alterations as they deemed desirable1, and of presenting petitions to the emperor containing complaints against those by whom they considered themselves aggrieved. As this course was pursued day after day. the emperor set apart one certain day on which all com plaints were to be brought before him. When the appointed day arrived, he took the memorials which had been presented to him, and said, " All these accusations will be brought for ward at the great day of judgment, and will be judged by the Great Judge of all men ; as to me, 1 am but a man, and it would be evil in me to take coirni/ance of such matters, see ing that the accuser and the accused are priests ; and priests ought so to act as never to become amenable to the judgment of others. Imitate, therefore, the divine love, and mercy of God, and be ye reconciled to one another; withdraw your ac cusations against each other, be ye of one mind, and devote your attention to those subjects connected with the faith on account of which we are assembled." After having thus urged them to cease from criminating each other, the emperor com manded the memorials to be burnt ; and then appointed a day on which to commence the discussion of the questions which had brought them together. But before the appointed day arrived, the bishops assembled together, and having summoned Arius to attend, began to examine the disputed topics, each one amongst them advancing his own opinion. As might have been expected, however, many different questions started
1 Sozomen here follows Eusebius. See his Life of Constant in e, b. iii. ch. 9, and compare Socrates, b. i. ch. 8.
3 Valcsius thinks it more probable that they were drawn together for the sake of gratifying their curiosity, and quotes, in support of his view, Ruffinus, b. x. ch. 3. At the same time he admits that the opinion of Sozo men may be right, and quotes on his side the testimony of Nicephorus.
CONVERSION OF TWO PHILOSOPHERS. 41
out of the investigation ; some of the bishops spoke against the introduction of novelties contrary to the faith which had been delivered to them from the beginning ; and those, especi ally, who had adhered to simplicity of doctrine, argued that the faith of God ought to be received without curious en quiries ; others, however, contended that former opinions ought not to be retained without examination. Many of the bishops and of the inferior clergy attracted the notice of the emperor and the court by these disputations. Athanasius, who was then a deacon of Alexandria, and had accompanied the bishop Alexander, greatly distinguished himself at this juncture.1
CHAP. XVIII. â TWO PHILOSOPHERS ARE CONVERTED TO THE FAITH BY THE SIMPLICITY OF TWO OLD MEN WITH WHOM THEY HELD A DISPUTATION.
WHILE these disputations were being carried on, certain of the Pagan philosophers became desirous of taking part in them ; some, because they wished for information as to the doctrine that was inculcated, and others, because, feeling in censed against the Christians on account of the recent sup pression of the Pagan religion, they wished to stigmatize them with engaging in strife about words, and to introduce dissensions among them. It is related that one of these phi losophers, priding himself on his acknowlegded superiority of eloquence, began to ridicule the priests, and thereby roused the indignation of a simple old man, highly esteemed as a confessor, who, although unskilled in the arts of reason ing and debating, undertook to oppose him. The less serious of those who knew the confessor, raised a laugh2 at his ex pense for engaging in such an undertaking, but the more thoughtful felt anxious lest, in opposing so eloquent a man, he should only render himself ridiculous ; yet his influence was so great, and his reputation so high among them, that they could not forbid his engaging in the debate ; and he ac cordingly delivered himself in the following terms. " In the
1 The same testimony to the merit of Athanasius is borne also by Gregory Nazianzen.
2 Valesius remarks that some of the details here are added by Sozomen to the plain story as it is to be found in Ruffinus.
42 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF SOZOMEX. [l$. I. C. 18.
name of Jesus Christ, O philosopher, hearken to me. There is one God, the Maker of heaven and earth, and of all things visible and invisible. lie made all things by the power of the Word, and established them by the holiness of His Spirit. The Word, whom we call the Son of God, seeing that man was sunk in error and living like unto the beasts, pitied him, and vouchsafed to be born of a woman, to hold intercourse with men, and to die for them. And lie will come again to judge each of us as to the deeds of this present life. We believe these things to be true wilh all simplicity. Do not, therefore, expend your labour in vain by striving to disprove facts which can only be understood by faith, or by scrutinizing the manner in which these things did or did not come to pass. Answer me, dost thou believe?" The philosopher, aston ished at what had transpired, replied, ''I believe ;" and having thanked the old man for having overcome him in argument, he began to teach the same doctrines to others. He exhorted those who still held his former sentiments, to adopt the views he had embraced, assuring them on oath that he had been impelled to embrace Christianity by a certain inexplicable impulse.
It is said that a similar miracle was performed by Alex ander, bishop of Constantinople. When Constantino returned to Byzantium, certain philosophers came to him to complain of the innovations in religion, and particularly of his having introduced a new form of worship into the empire, contrary to that followed by his forefathers, and by all who were for merly in power, whether among the Greeks or the Romans. They likewise desired to hold a disputation on the doctrine with Alexander the bishop; and he, although unaccustomed1 to the art of debating, accepted the challenge at the command of the emperor ; for he was a good and virtuous man, and was supported by the consciousness of his integrity. When the philosophers were assembled, and prepared to engage in the discussion, he requested that one might be chosen as spokes man, while the others were to remain silent. When one of the philosophers began to open the debate, Alexander said to him, " I command thee in the name of Jesus Christ not to speak."
1 Valesius reads here arpi/3ij<; (rudis) in place of the old reading a/ept/Sr/c (accuratus); before which, if that reading is to be maintained, the sense requires that we should insert the word /u/}.
A. D. 325.] COUNCIL OF NIOEA. 43
The man was instantaneously silenced. Surely it is a greater miracle that a man, and that man a philosopher, should be struck dumb thus easily, than that a stone wall should be cleft by the power of a word, which miracle I have heard some at tribute with pride to Julian, surnamed the Chaldean.1
CHAP. XIX. â THE EMPEROR HARANGUES THE ASSEMBLED SYNOD.
THE bishops held long consultations ; and after summoning Arius before them, inquired diligently into his doctrines, yet at the same time withholding their final decision. When at length the appointed day arrived on which the controversy was to be terminated, they assembled together2 in the palace, because the emperor had signified his intention of taking part in the deliberations. On his entrance, the emperor passed through to the head of the council, and seated himself on the throne which had been prepared for him, and then motioned to the members of the synod to be seated : for seats had been arranged on either side along the walls of the palace, which was a very large and beautiful edifice.
After they were seated, Eusebius Pamphilus arose and de livered an oration3 in honour of the emperor, returning thanks to God on his account. When he had ceased speak ing, and silence was restored, the emperor delivered himself in the following words: â "I give thanks to God for all things, but particularly, O friends, for being permitted to see you assembled here, for I desired most ardently to gather the priests of Christ into one place : now, it is my desire that you should be of one mind and hold the same opinions in fellowship of spirit, for dissension in the Church of God is the greatest of evils. I never experienced more poignant sor row than when I heard that dissension had crept in among
1 He flourished during the age of the Antonines. Suidas attests that his son Julian was so skilled in the magic art, that he called down rain from heaven, when the Roman soldiers were perishing from thirst . It should be observed that a miracle similar to the above is recorded of Attus Naevius by Livy, b. i. ch. 3G.
2 See Eusebius, Life of Constant, iii. 10.
3 Theodoret (Eccles. Hist. i. 8) places this oration in the mouth of Eustathius, bishop of Antioch.
44 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF SOZOMEX. [n. I. C. 20.
you, for such an evil ought to have no existence among you who are the servants of God and the dispensers of peace. On this account it is, that I have called you together in a holy synod, and being both your emperor and your fellow-physician, I seek from you a favour which is acceptable to our common Lord ; and as honourable for me lo receive as for you to grant. The favour which I seek is, that you examine the causes of division, and bring the controversy to a close, and that you thus restore peace and unanimity among yourselves ; so that I may triumph with you over our enemy the devil, who ex cited this internal strife because he was provoked to see our external enemies subdued and trampled upon beneath our feet." The emperor pronounced this discourse in Latin, and the interpretation was supplied by a bystander.
CHAP. XX. â AFTER GIVING AUDIENCE TO BOTH PARTIES, THE
EMPEROR CONDEMNS THE FOLLOWERS OF Mill's TO EXILE.
THE next debate turned upon the doctrinal controversy. The emperor gave patient attention to the speeches of both parties ; he app-lauded those who spoke well, rebuked those who displayed a tendency to altercation, and, so far as he was able, addressed himself with kindness to all, for he was almost ignorant of the Greek language. At the close of the debate, all the priests came to the conclusion that the Son is consubstantial with the Father. At the commencement of the conference there were but seventeen who defended the opinions of Arius, but eventually the majority of these yielded assent to the decision of the council. To this judgment the emperor likewise deferred, for he regarded the unanimity which pre vailed in the council to be of Divine appointment ; and he or dained that any one who should be rebellious thereto, should be forthwith sent into banishment, as guilty of endeavouring to overthrow the Divine determination. I formerly deemed it necessary to transcribe the confession (or symbol, av/jfioXov) of faith drawn up by the unanimous consent of this council, in order that posterity might possess a public record of the truth ; but subsequently, I was persuaded to the contrary by some godly and learned friends, who represented that such matters
A. D. 325.] EXCOMMUNICATION OF ARIUS. 45
ought to be kept secret, as being only requisite to be known by disciples and their instructors,1 and it is probable that this volume will fall into the hands of the unlearned. I have not, however, entirely suppressed the information derived from my authorities, for I would not that my readers should be in total ignorance as to the decrees of the Council.
CHAP. XXL â THE DECREES OF THE COUNCIL ; THE CONDEMN"
ATION OF ARIUS; HIS BOOKS ARE TO BE BURNED; CERTAIN OF THE ARCHIERARCHY DIFFER FROM THE SYNOD; THE PASS OVER.
IT ought to be known that the following points were settled by the synod ; that the Son is con-substantial with the Father ; and that those are to be excommunicated who assert that there was a time in which the Son existed not, and before which he was not, and that he was made from what had no existence, and that he is of another hypostasis and substance from the Father, and that he is subject to change and mutation. This decision was sanctioned by Eusebius, bishop of Nicomedia ; by Theognis, bishop of Nicsea ; by Maris, bishop of Chalce- donia ; by Patrophilus, bishop of Scythopolis ; and by Secundus, bishop of Ptolemais in Egypt.2 Eusebius Pamphilus, however, at first withheld his assent, but on further examination ad mitted the justice of the decree. The Council excommunicated Arius and his adherents, and prohibited his entering Alex andria.3 The words in which his opinions were couched were likewise condemned, as also a work entitled " Thalia," which lie had written on the subject. I have not read this book, but have been told it is of a loose character, similar to the odes of
(nvaTai Kai jw?;0raya>yoi. These were technical terms borrowed from ;he ceremonies of Grecian rites. See Diet, of Grecian and Roman Anti quities. Art. Eleusinia. The words of Valesius are, " Solebant antiqui, cum sacra suscipere vellent, ainicos eligere iisdem sacris jam antea initiatos, qui 'psos initiandos deducerent ad Hierophantem seu Pontificem, qui sacra tradebat."
2 Socrates (i. 8 ) asserts that these five bishops all refused to subscribe 'he decision of the Council of Nicaca ; but the two accounts are easily reconciled ; for at first indeed these five bishops withheld their assent from the Nicean Creed, but were afterwards persuaded by the king to subscribe t. See the note on Socrates in loco.
3 He was banished into Illyricum.
46 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF SOZOMF.N. [jJ. I. C. 22.
Sotades. It ought to be known that although Ktisebius, bishop of Nieornedia, and Thcognis, bishop of Nicaea, assented to the exposition of faith set forth by the Council, they neither agreed nor subscribed to the deposition of Arius. The emperor sent Arius into exile, and despatched edicts to the bishops and people of every country, denouncing him and his adherents as ungodly, and commanding that their books should be destroyed, in order that no remembrance of him or of the doctrine which he had broached might remain ; and the secretion of any of his writings was declared a capital crime.1 The emperor wrote letters to every city against Arius and those who had received his doctrines, and commanded Kusebius and Theognis to quit the cities whereof they were bishops ; he addressed himself in particular to the, churches of Nieomedia and Nicaja, urging them to adhere to the faith which had been set forth by the Council, to elect orthodox bishops, and to let the past fall into oblivion ; and he threatened those who should venture to speak well of the exiled bishops, or to adopt their sentiments. In these and in other letters, he expressed resentment against Eusebius, for having sided with the tyrant against him. In. accordance with the imperial edicts, Eusebius and Theognis were banished, and Amphion was elected bishop of Nieomedia, and Chrestus of Nicnea. On the termination of the doctrinal controversy, the Council decided that the Paschal feast should be celebrated at the same time in every place.''2
CHAP. XXII. â ACESIUS, BISHOP OF THE NOVATIANS, is SUM MONED BY THE EMPEROR TO BE PRESENT AT THE FIRST SYNOD.
IT is related, that the emperor, under the impulse of an ar dent desire to see harmony re-established among Christians, summoned Accsius, bishop of the Novatians,3 to the Council, placed before him the exposition of the faith and of the feast, which had received the signature of the bishops, and asked
1 Qavarov KO.I Tinwpiag tiq Kt$a\i]v. Valesius says that these two punishments are distinguished here by Sozomen ; but he is doubtless mis taken. The figure of speech used is that known to grammarians as Hen- â˘iiadys.
2 See Euseb. Life of Constant, iii. 14, and Socrat. Eccl. Hist, i. 8, 9. 8 See above note on chap. 14.
DECREES OF THE COUNCIL OF NIC.EA. 47
whether he could agree thereto. Acesius answered that their â˘exposition involved no new doctrine, and that he accorded in opinion with the synod, and that he had from the beginning held these sentiments with respect both to the faith and to the feast. " Why then," said the emperor, " do you keep aloof from communion with others, if you are of one mind with them?" He replied, that the dissension first broke out under Decius, between Novatius and Cornelius,1 and that he considered such persons unworthy of communion who, after baptism, had fallen into those sins which the Scriptures declare to be unto death ; for that the remission of those sins, he thought, depended on the will of God, and not on the priests. The emperor replied, by saying, " O Acesius, take a ladder, and ascend alone to heaven."2 By this speech I do not imagine the emperor intended to praise Acesius, but rather to blame him, because, being but a man, he fancied himself exempt from sin.
CHAP. XXIII. â CANONS APPOINTED BY THE COUNCIL; PAPH-
NUTIUS, A CERTAIN CONFESSOR OF THE FAITH, RESTRAINS THE COUNCIL FROM FORMING A CANON ENJOINING CELIBACY TO ALL WHO WOULD H,AVE THE PRIESTHOOD HONOURED.
WITH the view of reforming the life and conduct of those who were admitted into the churches, the synod enacted several laws which were called canons. Some thought that a law ought to be passed enacting that bishops and presbyters, deacons and subdeacons, should hold no intercourse with the wife they had espoused before they entered the priesthood ; but Paphnutius, the confessor, stood up and testified against this proposition ; he said that marriage was honourable and chaste, and advised the synod not to frame a law which would be difficult to observe, and which might serve as an occasion of incontinence to them and their wives ; and he reminded them that, according to the ancient tradition 3 of the church,
1 See Euseb. Eccl. Hist. vi. 43â40.
2 The same story is related by Socrates, i. 10.
3 Valesius says, that we must understand by this tradition, the custom according to which persons once enrolled among the clergy were separated " quoad torum," though not " quoad vinculum matrimonii." He asserts
48 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF SOZOMEX. [li. I. C. 24.
those who were unmarried when they entered the communion of sacred orders were required to remain so, but that those who were married were not to put away their wives. Such was the advice of Paphnutius, although lie was himself un married, and, in accordance with it, the synod retrained from enacting the proposed law, but left the matter to the decision of individual judgment. The synod, however, enacted other laws, regulating the government of the church ; and these laws may easily be found, as they are in the possession of many individuals.
CHAP. XXIV. â CONCERNING MELITIUS, THE ORDINATIONS MADE
15V HIM, AND TUK JUST ENACTMENTS OF THE HOLY COUNCIL.
AFTKR an investigation had been made into the conduct of Melitius when in Egypt, the synod sentenced him to reside in Lycus, and to retain only the name of bishop ; and prohibited him from ordaining any one either in a city or a village. Those who had previously been ordained by him, were per mitted by this law to remain in communion and in the minis try, but were to be accounted interior in point of dignity to other clergy;1 when by death an appointment became vacant, they were allowed to succeed to it, if deemed worthy by the vote of the multitude, but in this case were to be ordained by the bishop of Alexandria, for they were interdicted from ex ercising any power or influence in elections. This regulation appeared just to the synod, for Melitius and his followers had manifested great rashness and temerity in administering ordination. The synod also vindicated the honour of Peter, who had been ordained bishop of the church of Alexandria, but who was obliged to flee during the time of persecution, and had since received the crown of martyrdom.
that at this time the clergy all practised continency ; and that therefore in all probability the whole story about Paphnutius is a fiction. Yet it is given in nearly the same terms by Socrates, i. 11.
1 The Synodical Epistle of the Nicene Fathers speaks rather of bishops than of priests, -when it forbids any one who had been ordained by Meli tius from being appointed to a vacant see, unless elected by the vote of the people and confirmed by the metropolitan of Alexandria. See Socrates, Eccl. Hist. i. 9, and note in loco.
THE BISHOPS HONOURED. 49
CHAP. XXV. â HONOUR PAID TO THE BISHOPS BY THE
EMPEROR.
AT the very time that these decrees were passed by the council, the twentieth anniversary1 of the reign of Constan- tine was celebrated : for it was a Roman custom to have a feast on the tenth year of every reign. The emperor, there fore, invited the bishops to the festival, and presented suitable gifts to them : and when they prepared to return home, he called them all together, and exhorted them to be of one mind and at peace among themselves, so that no dissensions might henceforth creep in among them. After many other similar exhortations, he concluded by commanding them to be dili gent in prayer for himself, his children, and the empire, and then bade them farewell. He wrote to the churches in every city, in order that those who had not been present at the council might be informed of what had transpired ; and ad dressing himself more particularly to the Alexandrians, he urged them to receive unanimously the exposition of faith wilich had been set forth by the council, and had been proved to be according to the Divine will by the fact that so many bishops, appointed by the Holy Spirit, had, after length ened disputation and investigation, consented to it.
BOOK II.
CHAP. I. â THE DISCOVERY OF THE CROSS AND OF THE HOLY
NAILS.
WHEN the business at Nicasa had been transacted as above related, the priests returned home. The emperor rejoiced greatly at the restoration of unity of opinion in the church, and, desirous of expressing, in behalf of himself, his children, and the empire, the gratitude towards God which the unani mity of the bishops inspired, he directed that a house of prayer should be erected at Jerusalem, near the place called
1 This feast, called Vicennalia, is mentioned by Eusebius. See Life of Constantine, iii. 14 â 16.
[SOZOMEN.] E
50 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF SOZOMEN. [Âğ. II. C. 1 .
Calvary. At the same time his mother Helena repaired to that city, for the purpose of offering up prayer, and of visit ing the sacred places. Her zeal for Christianity made her anxious to find the wood which had formed the adorable cross. But it was no easy matter to discover either this relic or the Lord's sepulchre, for the Greeks, who in former times had persecuted the church,1 and who, at the first promulgation of Christianity, had had recourse to every artifice to exter minate ir, had heaped up mounds of earth upon the holy places, and, the more effectually to conceal them, had enclosed the place of the resurrection and Mount Calvary within a wall, and had moreover ornamented the whole locality, and paved it with stone. A temple and statue dedicated to Venus had also been erected on the same spot by these people, for they imagined that those who repaired thither to worship Christ, would appear to bow the knee to Venus, and that thus the true cause of offering worship in that place would, in course of time, be forgotten ; and that as Christians would 1)0 unable to frequent the place in safety, the temple and statue would come to be regarded as exclusively appertaining to the Greeks. At length, however, the secret was discovered and the fraud detected ; some say that the facts were first disclosed by a Hebrew who dwelt in the East, and who derived his information from some documents which had come to him by paternal inheritance ; but it seems more accordant with truth to believe that God revealed the fact by means of signs and dreams ; for I do not think that human interposi tion is requisite when God has determined upon the manifest ation of hidden things. When by command of the emperor the place was excavated, the cave2 whence our Lord arose from the dead was discovered ; and, at no great distance, three crosses were found and another separate piece of wood, on which were inscribed in white letters, in Hebrew, in Greek, and in Latin, the following words, "Jesus of Nazareth, the King of the Jews." These words, as the sacred book of the Gospels relates, were placed by command of Pilate, governor of Judaea, over the head of Christ. There yet, however, remained a difficulty in distinguishing the divine cross from the others, for the inscription had been wrenched
1 See Socrates, Eccl. Hist. b. i. ch. 17.
1 Or sepulchre. The Greek word is avrpov.
DISCOVERY OF THE CROSS OF CHRIST. 51
from it, and thrown aside, and the cross itself had been cast aside with the others, without any distinction, when the bodies of the crucified were taken down. For, according to history, the soldiers found Jesus dead upon the cross, and they took him down, and gave him up to be buried ; while, in order to accelerate the death of the two thieves who were crucified on either hand, they broke their legs, and then took down the crosses, and flung them out of the way. It was no concern of theirs to deposit the crosses in order, for it was growing late, and, as the men were dead, they cared not to remain to attend to the crosses. A more divine revelation than could be made by man was therefore necessary in order to dis tinguish the true cross from the others, and this revelation was given in the following manner. There was a certain lady of rank in Jerusalem who was afflicted with a grievous and incurable disease : Macarius, bishop of Jerusalem, accom panied by the mother of the emperor and her attendants, re paired to her bed-side. After engaging in prayer, Macarius signified by signs to the spectators that the divine cross would be the one which, on being brought in contact with the in valid, should remove the disease. He approached her in turn with each of the crosses ; but when two of the crosses were laid on her, it seemed but vanity and mockery to her, for she was at the gates of death. When, however, the third cross was in like manner brought to her, she immediately opened her eyes, regained her strength, and arose. It is said that a dead person was, in the same way, restored to life. The divine cross having been thus identified, the greater portion of it was deposited in a silver case, in which it is still pre served in Jerusalem : but the empress sent part of it to her son Constantine, together with the nails by which the body of Christ had been fastened. Of these, it is related, the emperor had a head-piece and bit make for his horse, accord ing to the prophecy of Zechariah, who referred to this period when he said, â " That wThich shall be upon the bit of the horse shall be holy to the Lord Almighty." (Zech. xiv.) These things indeed were formerly known to the sacred pro phets, and predicted by them, and at length, in God's own time, were confirmed by wonderful works. Nor does this appear so marvellous when it is remembered that, even among
K 2
52 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF SOZOMEN. [li. II. C. 2.
the Greeks, it was confessed that the Sibyl had predicted that thus it should be,
" Oh most blessed tree, on which our Lord was hung."1
Our most zealous adversaries cannot deny the truth of this fact, and it is hence evident that a pre-manifestation was made of the wood of the cross, and of the adoration (o-^ac) it received.
The above incidents we have related precisely as they were delivered to us by men of great accuracy, by whom the in formation was derived by succession from father to son ; and others have recorded the same events in writing for the benefit of posterity.
CHAP. II. â CONCERNING HELENA, THE MOTHER OF THE EM PEROR ; SHE VISITED JERUSALEM, I5I1I.T TEMPLES IN THAT CITY, AND PERFORMED OTHER GODLY WORKS: HER DEATH.
ABOUT this period, the emperor, having determined upon erecting a temple in honour of God, charged the governors to see that the work was executed in the most sumptuous and elaborate manner possible. His mother Helena also erected two temples,'2 the one at Bethlehem near the cave where Christ was born, the other near the top of the Mount of Olives, whence he ascended to heaven. Many other pious acts of hers are on record ; among which the following is not the least remarkable. During her residence at Jerusalem, it is related that she as sembled the sacred virgins at a feast, ministered to them at supper, presented them with food, poured water on their hands, and performed other similar services customary on such occa sions. When she visited the cities of the East, she bestowed gifts on all the churches, enriched those individuals who had been deprived of their possessions, supplied the necessities of the poor, and restored to liberty those who had been long im prisoned, or condemned to exile or the mines. It seems to me that so many holy actions demanded a recompence ; and, in deed, even in this life, she was raised to the summit of mag-
1 On these oracles the reader may consult with advantage Beveridge's Codex Canon. Eccl. ch. 14, and the speech of Constantino " ad sanctorum coetum," ch. 18, usually appended to his Life by Eusebius.
2 See Euseb. Vit. Const, iii. ch. 42, 43.
A. D. 325.] CONSTANTINOPLE BUILT. 53
nific^nce and splendour ; she was proclaimed Augusta ; her image was stamped on golden coins, and she was invested by her son with unlimited authority over the imperial treasury. Her death too was glorious, for when, at the age of eighty, she quitted this life, she left her son and her descendants, (like her of the race of Caesar,) masters of the Roman world. And if there be any advantage in being remembered after death, it is certain that her name will be transmitted to future generations, for two cities are named after her, the one in Bithynia, and the other in Palestine.1 Such is the history of Helena.
CHAP. III. â TEMPLES BUILT BY CONSTANTINE: â THE CITY
CALLED BY HIS NAME : â THE TEMPLE DEDICATED TO MICHAEL THE ARCHANGEL.
THE emperor, always intent on the advancement of religion, erected magnificent temples to God in every place, particularly in metropolises, such as Nicomedia in Bithynia, Antioch on the river Orontes, and Byzantium. He greatly improved this latter city, and made it equal to Rome in power and influence ; for, when he had settled the affairs of the empire according to his own mind, and had freed himself from foreign foes, he re solved upon founding a city which should be called by his own name, and should be equal in celebrity to Rome. With this intention he repaired to a plain at the foot of Troy, near the Hellespont, above the tomb of Ajax, where, it is said, the Achaians intrenched themselves when besieging Troy ; and here he laid the plan of a large and beautiful city, and built the gates on an elevated spot of ground, whence they are still visible from the sea to mariners. But when he had advanced thus far, God appeared to him by night, and commanded him to seek another site for his city. Led by the hand of God, he arrived at Byzantium in Thrace, beyond Chalcedon in Bithy nia, and here he was desired to build his city, and to render it worthy of the name of Constantine. In obedience to the com mand of God, he therefore enlarged the city formerly called Byzantium, and surrounded it with high walls ;2 he also erected magnificent dwelling-houses, and being aware that the former
1 See Procopius Csesariensis de JMificiis, p. 9G.
2 A. D. 325. Compare Socrates, Eccles. Hist. i. 16.
54 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF SO/OMEN, [li. II. C. 3.
population was insufficient for so great a city, lie peopled it with men of rank and their households, whom lie summoned thither from Koine and from other countries. He imposed taxes l to cover the expenses of building and adorning the city, and of supplying its inhabitants with food. He erected all requisite edifices, a hippodrome, fountains, porticoes, and other beautiful embellishments, lie named it Constantinople and New Rome, and constituted it the Roman capital for all the inhabitants of the North, the South, the East, and the shores of the Mediter ranean, from the cities on the Danube, and from Epidamnus and the Ionian Gulf, to Cyrcne and that part of Libya called Bonium.2 lie created another senate, which he endowed with the same honours and privileges as that of Rome, and he sought to render the city which bore his name equal in every respect to that of Rome in Italy : nor were his wishes thwarted, for, by the assistance of God, it became the most populous and wealthy of cities. I know of no cause to account for this ex traordinary aggrandizement, unless it be the piety of the builder and of the inhabitants, and their compassion and liberality towards the poor. The zeal they manifested for Christianity was so great that many of the Jewish inhabitants, and most of the Greeks, were converted. As this city became the capital of the empire during the period of religious pros perity, it was not polluted by altars, Grecian temples, nor sacrifices ; and although Julian authorized the introduction of idolatry for a short space of time, it soon afterwards became extinct. Constantino further honoured this new city of Christ by adorning it with numerous and magnificent houses of prayer, in which the Deity vouchsafed to bless the efforts of the emperor by giving sensible manifestations of His presence. According to the general opinion of foreigners and citizens, the most remarkable of these edifices was that built in a place called Hestiis, but since named Michaelius. This place lies to the right of those who navigate the Pontus to Constanti nople, and is about thirty-five stadia distant from that city by
1 06poi. Valesius thinks that Sozomen is mistaken as to the first of these taxes.
2 Valesius remarks that on this point too Sozomen is mistaken ; for when Constantine transferred the imperial power from Rome to Byzantium, he made no alteration in the limits of the empire. It was his sons who afterwards divided the empire into East and West.
THE CHURCH AT HESTIIS. 55
water, but if you make the circuit of the bay, the distance is seventy stadia and upwards. It is generally believed that Michael, the divine archangel, once appeared at this place, and hence its name. And I too can join my testimony to theirs who assert that the power of Michael was manifest in this place. This was evidenced by many wonderful works ; l for those who had fallen into inevitable peril, those who were op pressed with heavy calamities, or who were suffering from disease and sorrow, there prayed to God, and met with imme diate deliverance. I should be prolix were I to give details of these miraculous cures. But I cannot omit mentioning the case of Aquiline, who is an advocate in the same court of justice as that to which we belong,2 and who is even at {he present time residing with us. I shall relate what I saw my self, and what I heard from him concerning this occurrence. Being attacked with a severe fever, arising from disordered bile, the physicians administered an aperient medicine. This he vomited, and, by the effort of vomiting, diffused the bile, which tinged his countenance with its own colour. He had no power to retain his food, and continued a long time in this state ; the skill of the physicians was utterly ineffectual. Find ing that he was already half dead, he commanded his servant to carry him to the house of prayer ; for he said, that there he would either die or be freed from his disease. While he was lying there, a Divine Power3 appeared to him by night, and commanded him to dip his foot in a confection made of honey, wine, and pepper. The man did so, and was freed from his complaint, although the prescription was contrary to the pro fessional rules of the physicians, a confection of so very hot a nature being considered adverse to a bilious disorder. I have also heard that Probianus, one of the physicians of the palace, who was suffering greatly from a disease in the feet, likewise met with deliverance from sickness at this place, and was ac counted worthy of being visited with a Divine and wonderful vision. He had formerly been attached to the Grecian super stitions, but afterwards became a Christian ; yet, while he
1 Valesius takes aXXwv as masculine, and would understand it to mean " by many other persons."
2 ayopivovTi. This shows that Socrates was an advocate in the law courts at the very time of his writing this history.
3
56 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF SOZOMEN. [u. II. C. 4.
admitted the probability of the rest of our doctrines, he could not understand how, by the Divine cross, the salvation of all is effected. While his mind was in doubt on this subject, the symbol of the cross,1 which lay on the altar of this church, was pointed out to him in the Divine vision, and he heard a voice openly declaring, that, as Christ had been crucified on the cross, the necessities of the human race, or of individuals, whatsoever they might be, could not be met by the ministra tion of angels or of good men ; for that there was no power to help apart from the cross. I have only recorded a few of the incidents which 1 know to have taken place in this temple : I shall not now recount them all.
CHAP. IV. â CONSTANTINE THK (iRKAT ABOLISHES SUPER STITION', AM) BUILDS A TEMPLE.
I CONSIDER it necessary to detail the proceedings of Con stantino in relation to what is called the Oak of Mamre.'2 This place is now called Terebinthus, and is about iifteen stadia distant from Hebron, which lies to the south, but is two hundred and fifty stadia distant from Jerusalem. It is recorded, that here the Son of God appeared to Abraham, with tAvo angels, who had been sent against Sodom, and fore told the birth of his son. Here the inhabitants of the country, and of the regions round Palestine, the Phoenicians and the Arabians, assemble annually during the summer season to keep a feast ;3 and many others, both buyers and sellers, resort thither on account of the fair. Indeed this feast is diligently frequented by all nations ; by the Jews, because they boast of their descent from the patriarch Abra ham ; by the Greeks, because angels there appeared to men ; and by Christians, because He who, for the salvation of man kind, was born of a virgin, there manifested himself to a godly man. This place was moreover honoured as the scene of divers religious exercises. Here some prayed to the God of all ; some called upon the angels, poured out wine, burnt
1 Moveable crosses of silver or gold were always erected on the altars of churches. See Gretser, de Cruce, lib. ii. ch. 13.
2 See Euseb. Life of Const, iii. 51â53.
3 See Euseb. Life of Const, iii. 53, and the note of Valesius in loco
SUPERSTITION ABOLISHED BY CONSTANTINE. 57
incense, or offered an ox, or he-goat, a sheep, or a cock : for they were all intent upon offering at this feast, for themselves and their neighbours, the most precious and beautiful sa crifices. And either from honour to the place, or from fear of Divine wrath, they all abstained from coming near their wives, although the women made their appearance at the feast, and were then more than ordinarily studious of their deportment and attire. Nor did they act imprudently in any other respect, although the tents were contiguous to each other, and they all lay promiscuously together. The place being under cultivation, contains no houses, with the excep tion of the buildings around Abraham's oak and well. No one during the time of the feast drew water from that well, for, according to Grecian superstition, some placed burning lamps near it ; some offered wine and libations ; and others, gold, myrrh, or incense : hence, as I suppose, the water was rendered useless by the variety of things cast into it. Whilst these proceedings were being carried on with usual solemnity by the Greeks, the mother-in-law of Constantine visited the place, and apprized the emperor of what was being done. On receiving this information, be rebuked the bishops of Palestine in no measured terms, because they had neglected their duty, and had permitted a holy place to be defiled by impure libations and sacrifices ; and he expressed his godly indignation in an epistle which he wrote on the subject to Macarius, bishop of Jerusalem, to Eusebius Pam- philus, and to the bishops of Palestine. He commanded these bishops to hold a conference on this subject with the Phoenician bishops, and to issue directions for the demolition of the altar, the destruction of the images by fire, and the erection of a church worthy of so ancient and so holy a place. The emperor finally enjoined that no libations or sacrifices should be offered on the spot, but that it should be exclusively devoted to the worship of God according to the law of the church ; and that if any attempt should be made to restore the former rites, the bishops were to inform against the de linquent, in order that he might be subjected to the greatest punishment. The governors and priests of Christ strictly enforced the injunctions contained in the emperor's letter.
58 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF SOZOMEN. [li. II. C. V
CHAP. V. â CONSTANTINE DESTROYS THE PLACES DEDICATED TO THE IDOLS, AND PERSUADES THE PEOPLE TO EMBRACE CHRISTIANITY.
As many nations and cities throughout the empire re tained a feeling of veneration and fear towards their vain idols, which led them to disregard the doctrines of the Christians, and to cling to their ancient customs, and the manners and feasts of their fathers, it appeared necessary to the emperor to teach the governors to suppress their super stitious rites of worship. He thought that this would be easily accomplished if he could get them to despise their temples and the images contained therein. To carry this project into execution, he did not require military aid ; for Christian men belonging to the palace went from city to city, hearing letters from the emperor commanding obedience to the decrees. The people were induced to remain passive from the fear that, if they resisted these edicts, they, their wives, and their children, would be exposed to evil. The priests and those who had the charge of the temples, being unsupported by the multitude, brought out from the most secret places of concealment their most precious treasures, and the idols called CIOTTUTT],* while re cesses known only to the priests, and wherein the people were never admitted, were thrown open to all who desired to enter. Such of the images as were constructed of the precious metals, and whatever else was valuable, were purified by fire, and be came public property. The brazen images which were skil fully wrought were carried to the city and named after the em peror, and placed there as- objects of embellishment, where they may still be seen in public places, as in the Forum, the Hip podrome, and the palace. Amongst them was the statue of Apollo by which the Pythoness divined, and likewise the statues of the Muses from Helicon, the tripods from Delphos. and the much-extolled Pan,2 which Pausanias the Lacedaemo nian and the Grecian cities erected after the war against the
1 i. e. " Sent down from heaven." Such were the Palladium o: Troy; the Ancile at Rome; and "the image" of Diana "which fel! down from Jupiter," mentioned in Acts xix. 35.
2 Herodotus (ix. 81) tells us that after the battle at Plataea, B. c. 479 Pausanias and the other powers of Greece erected a Tripod in honoui i of Apollo ; but neither he nor any of the Greek historians make any men tion of Pan.
A. D. 331.] DESECRATION OF PAGAN TEMPLES. 59
Vledes. As to the temples, some were stripped of their doors, jthers of their roofs, and others were neglected, allowed to fall nto ruin, or destroyed. The temple of JEsculapius in -^Egis, a city of Cilicia, and that of Venus at Aphaca, near Mount Lebanon and the river Adonis, were uprooted from their foundations. Both of these temples were most highly hon- mred and reverenced by the ancients ; in the former, it was said, the demon manifested himself by night, and healed the diseases of the sick. And at Aphaca, it was believed that on a certain prayer being uttered on a given day, a fire like a star descended from the top of Lebanon, and sunk into the neigh bouring river ; this phenomenon they sometimes called Urania, and sometimes Venus. The efforts of the emperor succeeded to the utmost of his anticipations ; for, on beholding the objects of their former reverence and fear boldly cast down and stuffed with straw and hay, the people were led to despise what they lad previously venerated, and to blame the erroneous opinion of their ancestors. Others, envious at the honour in which Christians were held by the emperor, deemed it necessary to conform to the imperial institutions. Others devoted them selves to an examination of Christianity, and by means of signs, of dreams, or of conferences with monks and bishops, were led to a conviction of its truth. From this period, na tions and citizens spontaneously renounced their former super stitions. A port of Gaza, called Majuna, wherein idolatry and ancient ceremonies had been hitherto upheld, was now dis tinguished by the alacrity with which its inhabitants sud denly and universally embraced Christianity ; the emperor, in honour of their piety, raised their town to the rank of a city, a distinction which it had not formerly enjoyed, and, because of its godliness, bestowed upon it the name of Constantia, after one of his children who was more beloved by him than the others. On the same account, also, Constantino in Phoe nicia is known to have received its name from the emperor. But it would not be convenient to record every instance of this kind, as the inhabitants of many cities about this time em braced Christianity spontaneously, without any edict being issued to that effect by the emperor, overturned the adjacent temples and statues, and erected houses of prayer.
60 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF SOZOMEN. [l5. II. C. 6.
CHAP. VI. â UNDER CONSTANTINE THE NAME OF CHRIST is
SPREAD THROUGHOUT THE WORLD.
THE church having been in this manner spread throughout the whole Roman world, religion was introduced even among the barbarians themselves. The tribes on both sides of the Rhine had embraced Christianity, as likewise the Celts and the Gauls who dwelt upon the most distant shores of the ocean ; the Goths, too, and the tribes who formerly dwelt on both sides of the Danube, had long been converted to Chris tianity, and were distinguished by their superiority in manners and customs. All the barbarians had professed to hold the Christian doctrines in honour, from the time of the wars be tween the Romans and foreign tribes, under the government of Gallus and the emperors who succeeded him.1 For when a multitude collected out of various nations passed over from Thrace into Asia, and when other barbarians colonized the boundaries of the Roman empire, many priests of Christ who had been taken captive dwelt among these tribes ; and during their residence among them healed the sick, and cleansed those who were possessed of demons, by the name of Christ, and by calling on the Son of God ; moreover they led a holy and blameless life, and excited envy by their virtues. The bar barians, amazed at the exemplary conduct and wonderful works of these holy men, thought that it would be prudent on their part, and pleasing to the Deity, if they imitated their example : and accordingly, like them, they rendered homage to the Supreme Being. After having been thus practically taught, they received further instruction, were baptized, and admitted into the church.
CHAP. VII. â HOW THE IBERIANS RECEIVED THE FAITH OF CHRIST.
IT is said that during this reign the Iberians,2 a large and
1 It is clear that the Christian faith was very widely spread among the barbarians even at an earlier period than that which is here mentioned. See Justin Martyr's Dialogue cum Tryphone. and Tertullian, Apol. ch. 37, and Adv. Jud. ch. 7, 8.
2 By the Iberians we are to understand, not the people of Spain, (for they had a church among them as early as the time of Ireno:us. See Adv. Haeres. i. 3}) but the people of that name in Asia. Comp. Socrates, i. 20.
A. D. 328.] CONVERSION OF THE IBERIANS. 61
warlike barbarian nation, were converted to Christianity. They dwelt to the north, beyond Armenia. A Christian woman, who had been taken captive, induced them to re nounce the religion of their fathers. She was very faithful and godly, and did not, amongst foreigners, remit her accus tomed routine of religious duty. To fast, to pray night and day, and to praise God, constituted her delight. The bar barians inquired as to the motives of her self-denial : she simply answered, that it was necessary in this way to worship the Son of God : but the name of him who was to be wor shipped, and the manner of worshipping, appeared strange to them. It happened that a boy of the country was taken ill, and his mother, according to the custom of the Iberians, took him from house to house, in hope that some one might be found capable of curing the disease, and of removing it easily and expeditiously. As no one capable of healing him could be found, the boy was brought to the captive, and she said, " As to medicines, I have neither experience nor knowledge, nor am I acquainted with the mode of applying ointments or plaisters ; but, 0 woman, I believe that Christ whom I wor ship, the true and great God, is the Saviour of thy child." Then she prayed for him, and freed him from the disease, although just before it was believed that he was about to die. A little while after, the wife of the governor of the nation was, by an incurable disease, brought nigh unto death, yet she too was saved in the same manner ; and thus did this captive make known Christ as the Dispenser of health, and as the Lord of life, of power, and of all things. The governor's wife, convinced by her own personal experience, believed the words of the captive, held her in much honour, and embraced the Christian religion. The king, astonished at the celerity of the cure and the power of faith, sought an explanation of the occurrence from his wife, and commanded that the captive should be rewarded with gifts. " Of gifts," said the queen, " her estimate is very low, whatever may be their value ; nothing is valuable in her eyes, but the services she renders to God. Therefore if we wish to gratify her, or desire to do what is safe and right, let us also worship God, who is mighty and a Saviour, and who, at his will, gives continuance unto kings, casts down the high, renders the illustrious abject, and delivers the oppressed from evil." The queen continued to
62 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF SOZOMEN. [B. II. C. 7.
argue in this excellent manner, but the sovereign of Iberia re mained in doubt and unconvinced, for he was not only pre judiced against the doctrines, on account of their novelty, but was also attached to the religion of his fathers. A little while after, he went into the woods with his attendants, on a hunt ing excursion ; all of a sudden thick clouds arose, which dis persed themselves through the air, and concealed the heavens and the sun : profound darkness like unto night pervaded the wood. Each of the hunters, alarmed for his own safety, sought refuge in a different direction. The king, while thus wander ing alone, thought of Christ, as men are wont to do in times of danger. He determined that if he should be delivered from his present emergency, he would walk before God and worship him. At the very instant that these thoughts were upon his mind, the darkness was dissipated, the air became serene, the rays of the sun penetrated into the wood, and the king went out in safety. He informed his wife of the event that had befallen him, sent for the captive, and commanded her to teach him in what way he ought to worship Christ. After having received her instructions, he called together his subjects, and declared to them plainly the divine mercies which had been vouchsafed to himself and to his wife, and, although uniniti ated, he declared to the rulers the doctrines of Christ, The whole nation was persuaded to embrace Christianity, the men being convinced by the representations of the king, and the women by those of the queen and the captive. The erection of a church was immediately commenced with the joyful con sent of the whole nation. When the external walls were completed, machines were brought to raise up the columns, and fix them upon their pedestals. It is related, that when the first and second columns had been elevated by these means, great difficulty was found in fixing the third column, neither art nor physical strength being of any avail, although many- were assembled to render assistance. When evening came on, the female captive remained alone on the spot, and she continued there throughout the night, interceding with God that the erection of the columns might be easily accomplished. The king and all the assistants had taken their departure, for they were distressed at the failure of their attempt; the column was only half raised, and one end of it was so im bedded in the earth that it was impossible to move it. It
A. D. 342.] CHRISTIANITY EMBRACED BY PERSIANS. 63
was God's will that by this, as well as by the preceding miracle, the Iberians should be still further confirmed in the truth concerning himself. Early in the morning, when they re-assembled at the church, they beheld a wonderful spec tacle, which seemed to them as a dream. The column, which before had been immoveable, was now erect, and elevated a small space above its proper place. All present were struck with admiration, and confessed, with one consent, that Christ alone is the true God. Whilst they were all looking on, the column descended, and became fixed, as by machinery, on its proper foundation. The other columns were then erected with ease, and the Iberians completed the structure with great alacrity. The church having been thus speedily built, the Iberians, at the recommendation of the captive, sent am bassadors to the emperor Constantine, bearing proposals for fellowship and friendship, and requesting that priests might be sent to their nation. On their arrival, the ambassadors related the events that had transpired, by which the whole nation had been led to worship Christ. The emperor of the Romans was delighted with the embassy, and after acceding to every request that was ; proffered, dismissed the ambassa dors. Thus did the Iberians receive the knowledge of Christ, which they faithfully retain to the present day.
CHAP. VIII. â HOW THE ARMENIANS AND PERSIANS EMBRACED CHRISTIANITY.
SUBSEQUENTLY, the Christian religion became known to the neighbouring tribes, and was very greatly disseminated.1 The Armenians were the first to embrace Christianity. It is said, that Tiridates, the sovereign of that nation, was con verted by means of a miracle which was wrought in his own house ; and that he issued commands to all the rulers, by a herald, to adopt the same religion.2 I think that the intro duction of Christianity among the Persians3 was owing to
1 This paragraph is regarded by Valesius as spurious.
2 Here follows in the Greek text a repetition, word for word, of the first two lines of this chapter, which seems to be superfluous, if we do not reject the paragraph above.
5 It is certain from Eusebius, (Eccl. Hist. iii. 23,) that the Christian faith was planted in Persia as early as the Apostolic age.
64 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF SOZOMEX. [n. II. C. 9.
the intercourse which tlieso people held with the Osdroenians and Armenians ; for it is likely that by associating with such divine men they were stimulated to imitate their virtues.
CHAP. IX. â SAPOR, KING OF PERSIA, is EXCITED AGAINST THE
CHRISTIANS. SYMEON, BISHOP OF PERSIA, AND USTHAZANES, A EUNUCH, SUFFER THE AGONY OF MARTYRDOM.
WHEN, in course of time, the Christians increased in number, assembled as churches, and appointed priests and deacons, the Magi, who had from time immemorial acted as priests of the Persian religion, became deeply incensed against them. The Jews, who, through envy, are in some way naturally opposed to the Christian religion, were likewise offended. They therefore brought accusations before Sapor, the reigning sovereign, against Symeon, who was then arch bishop of Seleucia and Ctesiphon, royal cities of Persia, and charged him with being a friend of the Caesar of the Koinnns, and with communicating the affairs of the Persians to him. Sapor believed these accusations, and at first imposed intoler ably oppressive taxes upon the Christians, although he knew that the generality of them had voluntarily embraced poverty. He appointed cruel men to exact these taxes, hoping that, by the want of necessaries, and the atrocity of the tax-gatherers, they might be compelled to abjure their religion ; for this was his aim. Afterwards, however, he commanded that the priests and ministers of God should be slain with the sword. The churches were demolished, their vessels were deposited in the treasury, and Symeon was arrested as a traitor to the king dom and the religion of the Persians. Thus the Magi, with the co-operation of the Jews, quickly destroyed the houses of prayer. Symeon, on his apprehension, was bound with chains and brought before the king. There he evinced the excel lence and firmness of his character ; for when Sapor com manded that he should be led away to the torture, he did not fear, and would not prostrate himself. The king, greatly exasperated, demanded why he did not prostrate himself as he had done formerly. Symeon replied, that formerly he was not led away bound, in order that he might abjure the truth of God, and therefore did not then object to pay the customary
A. D. 343.] PERSECUTION UNDER SAPOR. 65
respect to royalty ; but tliat on the present occasion it would not be proper for him to do so : for he stood there in defence of godliness and of the one true faith. When he ceased speak ing, the king commanded him to worship the sun, promising, as an inducement, to bestow gifts upon him, and to raise him to honour ; but on the other hand, threatening, in case of non- compliance, to visit him and the whole body of Christians with destruction. When the king found that promises and menaces were alike unavailing, and that Symeon firmly refused to worship the sun, or to betray his religion, he remanded him to prison, probably imagining that, if kept for a time in bonds, he would change his mind.
Wrhcn Symeon was being conducted to prison, Usthazanes, an aged eunuch, the foster-father of Sapor, and superintendent of the palace, who happened to be sitting at the gates of the palace, arose to do him reverence. Symeon reproachfully for bad him, in a loud and haughty voice, averted his countenance, and passed by ; for the eunuch had been formerly a Christian, but had recently yielded to authority and worshipped the sun. This conduct so affected the eunuch, that he wept aloud, laid aside the white garment with which he was robed, and clothed himself, as a mourner, in black ; he then seated himself in front of the palace, crying and groaning, and saying, " Woe is me ! what must not await me ? for I have denied God, and on this account Symeon, formerly my familiar friend, does not think me worthy of being spoken to, but turns away and hastens from me." When Sapor heard of what had occurred, he called the eunuch to him, and inquired into the cause of his grief, and asked him whether any calamity had befallen his family. Usthazanes replied and said, " O king, nothing has occurred to my family, but I would rather have suffered any other affliction whatsoever than that which has befallen me. Now I mourn because I am alive, and ought to have been dead long ago ; yet I still see the sun which, not volun tarily, but to please thee, I professed to worship. Therefore, on both accounts, it is just that I should die, for I have been a betrayer of Christ, and a deceiver of thee." He then swore by the Maker of heaven and earth, that he would never swerve from his convictions. Sapor, astonished at the wonderful con version of the eunuch, was still more enraged against the Christians, as if they had effected it by enchantments. Still,
[SOZOMEN.] F
66 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF SOZOMEX. [ÂĞ. II. C. 9.
lie compassionated the old man, and strove by alternate gentle ness and severity to bring him over to his own sentiments. But finding that his efforts were useless, and that Usthazanes persisted in declaring that he would never have the tolly to worship the creature instead of the Creator, he became in flamed with passion, and commanded that the eunuch's head should be struck off with a sword. When the executioners came forward to perform their of lice, Usthazanes requested them to wait a little, that he might communicate something to the king. He then called upon a certain faithful eunuch to convey the following address to Sapor : '; From my youth until now I have been well affected, () king, to your house, and have ministered with care and diligence to your father and yourself. I need no witnesses to corroborate my state ments, these facts are well established. For all the matters wherein at divers times I have gladly served you, grant me this reward ; let it not be imagined by those who are ignorant of the circumstances, that I have incurred this punishment by acts of unfaithfulness against the state, or by the commission of any other crime ; but let it be published and proclaimed abroad by a herald that Usthazanes loses his head for no crime that he has ever committed in the palace, but for being a Christian, and for refusing to obey the king in denying his own God." The eunuch delivered this message, and Sapor, accord ing to the request of Usthazanes, commanded a herald to make the desired proclamation. The king imagined that others would be easily deterred from embracing Christianity, by re flecting that he who sacrificed his aged foster-father and esteemed household servant would assuredly spare no other Christian. Usthazanes, however, believed that as, by his timidity in consenting to worship the sun, he had caused many Christians to fear, so now, by the diligent proclamation of the cause of his sufferings, many might be edified by learning that he died for the sake of religion, and so become imitators of his fortitude.
A. D. 343.] MARTYRDOM OF SYMEON. 67
CHAP. X.â CHRISTIANS SLAIN BY SAPOR IN PERSIA.
IN this manner the honourable life l of Usthazanes was ter minated, and when the intelligence was brought to Symeon in the prison, he offered thanksgiving to God on his account. The following day, which happened to be the sixth day of the week, and likewise the day on which, as immediately preced ing the festival of the resurrection, the annual memorial of the passion of the Saviour is celebrated, the king issued orders for the decapitation of Symeon ; for he had been again con ducted to the palace from the prison, had reasoned most boldly with Sapor on points of doctrine, and had expressed a deter mination never to worship either the king or the sun. On the same day a hundred other prisoners were ordered to be slain. Symeon beheld their execution, and last of all he was put to death. Amongst these victims were bishops, presbyters, and other clergy of different grades. As they were being led out to execution, the chief of the Magi approached them, and asked them whether they would preserve their lives by con forming to the religion of the king and by worshipping the sun. As none of them would comply with this condition, they were conducted to the place of execution, and the execu tioners applied themselves to the task of slaying these martyrs. Symeon exhorted them to constancy, and reasoned concerning death, and the resurrection, and piety, and showed them from the Sacred Scriptures that a death like theirs is true life ; whereas to live, and through fear to deny God, is as truly death. He told them, too, that even if no one were to slay them, death would inevitably overtake them, for our death is a natural consequence of our birth, and that, after this short and transitory life, an account must be rendered of our actions ; after which, we enter upon another life, wherein virtue receives eternal rewards, and vice is visited with end less punishment. He likewise told them that the most glori ous of good actions is to die for the cause of God. The martyrs gladly listened to this discourse of Symeon's, and went forward with alacrity to meet their death. After the execution of three hundred martyrs, Symeon himself was
1 Valesius remarks that his death, rather than his life, is to be regarded as glorious.
68 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OK SOZOMKN. [iJ. II. C. 11.
slain ; and Abdechalaas and Ananias, two presbyters of his own church, who had been his fellow-prisoners, suffered with him.1
CHAP. XL PUSICIUS, SUPKRIXTKNDAXT OF THE ARTISANS OF
SAPOR.
Fusicius, the superintendant of the king's artisans, was pre sent at the execution ; perceiving that Ananias trembled as the necessary preparations for his death were being made, he said to him, â "Oh, old man, close your eyes and be of good courage, for you will soon behold the light of Christ." Xo sooner had he uttered these words, than ho was arrested and conducted before the king ; and as he frankly avowed himself a Christian, and spoke with great boldness concerning the truth of his religion and the innocence of the martyrs, he was condemned to a most extraordinary and cruel death. The executioners pierced the muscles of his neck in such a man ner as to extract his tongue. At the same time his daughter, who had devoted herself to a life of holy virginity, was ar raigned and executed. The following year, on the day on which the Passion of Christ was commemorated, and when preparations were being made for the celebration of the fes tival commemorative of his Resurrection from the dead, Sapor issued a most cruel edict throughout Persia, condemning to death all those who should confess themselves to be Christians ; and it is said that an immense number of Christians suffered by the sword. The Mngi sought diligently in the cities and villages for those who had concealed themselves ; and many voluntarily surrendered themselves, lest they should ap pear, by their silence, to deny Christ. Of the Christians who were thus unsparingly sacrificed, many who were attached to the palace were slain, and amongst these was Azadas, a eunuch, who was especially beloved by the king. On hearing of his death Sapor was overwhelmed with grief, and put a stop to the indiscriminate slaughter of the Christians ; and he directed that the teachers of religion should alone be slain.
1 Some however say that the martyrdom of Symeon and his companions took place in April, A. D. 349.
A. IX 344.] MARTYRDOMS IN PERSIA. 69
CHAP. XII. â MARTYRDOM OF TARBULA, THE SISTER OF
SYMEON.
ABOUT the same period, the queen was attacked with a disease, and Tarbula, the sister of Symeon the bishop, a holy virgin,1 was arrested, as likewise her sister, who was a widow and had abjured a second marriage, and her servant, who, like her, had devoted herself to a religious life. The cause of their arrest was the calumny of the Jews, who reported that they had injured the queen by their enchantments, in revenge for the death of Symeon. As invalids easily give credit to the most frightful representations, the queen believed the calumny, and especially because it emanated from the Jews, for she had great confidence in their veracity and in their attachment for herself; she had embraced their sentiments, and lived in the observance of the Jewish rites. The Magi having seized Tarbula and her companions, condemned them to death ; and, after having sawn them asunder, fastened them up to posts, advising the queen to pass through the place of execution, that the charm might be dissolved and the disease removed. It is said that Tarbula was extremely beautiful, and that one of the Magi having become deeply enamoured with her, sent some money secretly to her, and promised to save her and her companions if she would accede to his de sires. But, instead of listening to his proposals, she rebuked his licentiousness, and joyfully prepared for death, for she pre ferred to die rather than to lose her virginity.
As it was ordained by the edict of Sapor, which we men tioned above, that the Christians should not be slaughtered indiscriminately, but that the priests and teachers of religion should be slain, the Magi and Arch-magi traversed the whole country of Persia in search of the bishops and presbyters. They sought them especially in the country of the Adiabeni- ans, a part of the Persian dominions in which many Christians were located.
1 i. e. consecrated to religion.
ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF SOZOMF.X. [_Ii. II. C. 13.
CHAP. XIII. â MARTYRDOM OF ST. ACEPSIMUS AND OF ins
COMPANION'S.
ABOUT this period they arrested Acepsimus the bishop, and many of his clergy. After having taken counsel together, they despoiled the clergy and then dismissed them. James, however, who was one of the presbyters, voluntarily followed Acepsimus, obtained permission from the Magi to share his prison, and joyfully ministered to him and dressed his wounds ; for the Magi had cruelly scourged him in order to compel him to worship the sun, and on his refusal to do so, had remanded him to prison. Two priests, named Aithalas and James, and two deacons, by name Azadanus and Abdiesus, were castigated and imprisoned in the same manner by the Magi, on account of their adherence to the doctrines of Christ. After a long time had elapsed, the great Arch-magi inquired of the king what was his pleasure concerning them : and having received permission to deal with them as he pleased, unless they would consent to worship the sun, he math1 known this decision of Sapor's to the prisoners. They replied that they would never betray the cause of Christ nor worship the sun, and were im mediately subjected to the most excruciating tortures. Acep simus persevered in the manly confession of his faith till death put an end to his torments. Certain Armenians, whom the Persians retained as hostages, secretly carried away his body and buried it. The other prisoners were severely scourged, but did not expire beneath the blows, and as they would not renounce their sentiments, were again consigned to prison. Aithalas was one of those who experienced this treatment ; both his arms were broken when preparations were being made for the scourging ; and he afterwards lost the use of his hands so completely that he was obliged to depend upon others to convey the food to his mouth. Subsequently, a multitude of presbyters, deacons, monks, holy virgins, ministers of the church, and labourers in word and doctrine, terminated their - lives by martyrdom. The following are the names of the bishops, so far as I have been able to ascertain : Barbasymes, Paul, Gadiabes, Sabinus, Mareas, Mocius, John, Hormisdas, Papa:-!, James, Romas, Maares, Agas, Bochres, Abdas, Ab diesus, John, Abraham, Agdelas, Sapor, Isaac, and Dausas.
A. D. 309 â 349.] PERSECUTION UNDER SAPOR. 71
The latter had been made prisoner by the Persians, and brought from a place named Zabdceus : J he died about this time in defence of the Christian doctrine ; and Mareabdes Chorepiscopus, and about two hundred and fifty of his clergy, who had also been captured by the Persians, suffered with him.
CHAP. XIV.â CONDUCT AND MARTYRDOM OF MILLES THE
BISHOP ; MULTITUDE OF BISHOPS SLAIN IN PERSIA BY SAPOR, BESIDES OBSCURE INDIVIDUALS.
ABOUT this period Milles suffered martyrdom. He ori ginally served the Persians in a military capacity, but after wards abandoned that vocation in order to embrace the apostolical mode of life. It is related that he was ordained bishop over a Persian city, where he underwent a variety of sufferings ; and that, failing in his efforts to convert the inhabitants to Christianity, he uttered imprecations against the city and departed. Not long after, some of the principal citizens incurred the anger of the king, and an army with three hundred elephants was sent against them ; the city was utterly demolished, and corn was sown on its site. Milles, taking with him nothing but the holy Book of the Gospels, repaired to Jerusalem to worship ; thence he proceeded to Egypt in order to see the monks. The extraordinary and admirable works which he accomplished are attested by the Syrians, who have written an account of his life and actions. For my own part, I think that I have said enough of him and of the other martyrs who suffered in Persia during the reign of Sapor. It would be difficult to relate in detail every circumstance respecting them, such as their names, their country, the mode of their martyrdom, and the species of torture to which they were subjected.2 I shall briefly state that the number of men and women whose names have been ascertained, and who were martyred at this period, has been computed to be upwards of sixteen thousand, while the mul titude of martyrs whose names are unknown was so great
1 Otherwise spelt Zaudeeus. It was on the banks of the river Tigris, and had been in the hands of the Romans since the reign of Galerius.
2 The ingenuity of the Persians in devising tortures is mentioned by Plutarch in his Life of Artaxerxes.
72 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF SOZOMEX. [iJ. II. C. 15.
that the Persians, the Syrians, and the inhabitants of Edessa, have failed in all their efforts to compute the number.
CHAP. XV. â CONSTANTINE WRITES TO SAPOR TO STAY THE PERSECUTION" OF THE CHRISTIANS.
CONSTANTINE, the Roman emperor, was vividly affected when he heard of the sufferings to which the Christians were exposed in Persia, lie desired most anxiously to render them assistance, yet knew not in what way to effect this object. About this time some ambassadors from the Persian king arrived at his court, and after granting their requests and dismissing them, he thought it would be a favourable opportunity to address Sapor in behalf of the Christians in Persia, and wrote to him to that effect.1 "There is nothing in their religion," said he, " of a reprehensible nature ; by prayers alone do they offer supplication to God, for he de- lighteth not in the blood of sacrifices, but taketh pleasure only in a pure soul devoted to virtue and to religion ; so that they who believe these things are worthy of commendation." The emperor then assured Sapor that God would be pro pitious to him if he treated the Christians with lenity, and adduced his own example and that of Valerian in proof thereof. He had himself, by faith in Christ, and by the aid of Divine power, come forth from the shores of the Western Ocean, and reduced to obedience the whole of the Roman world, and had terminated many wars against foreigners and usurpers ; and yet had never had recourse to sacrifices or divinations, but had merely offered up a holy prayer, and carried the symbol of the cross at the head of his army. The reign of Valerian was prosperous so long as he refrained from persecuting the Church ; but he afterwards commenced a persecution against the Christians, and was delivered by Divine vengeance into the hands of the Persians, who took him prisoner, and put him to a cruel death.
It was in this strain that Constantine wrote to Sapor,
1 The letter of Constantine to which Sozomen here alludes is extant in Euseb. Vit. Const, iv. 9. But Sozomen is mistaken about its date ; as it was written before Sapor had commenced his persecution of the
Christians.
A. D. 328.] EUSEBIUS AND THEOGNI3. 73
urging him to protect the professors of religion ; for the em peror extended his watchful care over all the Christians of every region, whether Roman or foreign.
CHAP. XVI. â EUSEBIUS AND THEOGNIS, WHO, AT THE COUNCIL
OF NICE, HAD ASSENTED TO THE WRITINGS OF ARIUS, ARE REINSTATED IN THEIR OWN BISHOPRICS.
A. D. 328. â NOT long after the council of Nice, Arms was recalled from exile j1 but the prohibition to enter Alexandria was unrevoked. It shall be related in the proper place, how he strove to obtain permission to return to Egypt. Not long after, Eusebius, bishop of Nicomedia, and Theognis, bishop of Nicoea, regained possession of their bishoprics, after expelling Amphion and Chrestes, who had been ordained in their stead. They owed their restoration to a document which they had presented to the bishops, containing a retractation2 of their sentiments, and couched in the following terms : â " Although we have been condemned without a trial by your piety, wre deemed it right to remain silent concerning the judgment passed against us. But as it would be absurd to remain longer silent, when silence is regarded as a proof of the truth of calumny, we now declare to you that we holcl the same faith that you do ; that, after a diligent examination of the word " consubstantial," we are wholly intent upon preserving peace ; and that we are seduced by no heresy. Having proposed for the safety of the church such suggestions3 as occurred to us, and having certified what we deemed requisite, we signed the confession of faith. We did not certainly sign the anathemas,4
1 Valesius shows that in this matter Sozomen has followed Socrates (i. 10) in an error, as to the date of the recall of Arius, which he fixes very shortly after the synod of Nicsea.
2 This retractation is given also by Socrates, Eccl. Hist. i. 14.
3 The facts (as we learn from the Epistle of Euscbius of Caesarea, which is given also by Socrates and Theodoret,) are as follows. The bishops who de murred to the term bpoovaiov as denned in the Nicene symbol, proposed another form to the synod. But the Nicene fathers rejected this form, and refused to depart from their own definition. Eusebius and his party then signed the catholic and orthodox creed, for fear of the emperor.
4 We are not to suppose from this, that a separate signature was appended to the anathemas from that which was affixed to the creed ; for they both compose one document. It is probable that they added a note to their
74 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF SOZOMKN. [l?. IT. C. 17.
but this was not because we impugned the confession of faith, but because we did not believe the accused to be, what he was represented to us ; the letters we had received from him, and the discourses he had delivered in our presence, compelling us to entertain a contrary opinion of him. So far from opposing any of the decrees enacted in your holy synod, we assent to all of them, and, by this document, attest our assent thereto : and this is not because we arc wearied of exile, but because we wish to avert all suspicion of heresy. If you will condescend to admit us into your presence, you will iind us in all points of the same sentiments as yourselves, and willing to defer to your decisions. The accused having justified himself, and having been recalled from exile, it would be absurd were we by our silence to confirm the reports that calumny had spread against us. We beseech you then, by the love that you bear to Christ, that you make our supplications known to our most godly emperor, and that you immediately direct us to act ac cording to your will." It was by these means that Eusebius and Theognis, after their change of sentiment, were reinstated in their churches.
CHAP. XVII. â ON THE DEATH OF ALEXANDER, BISHOP OF ALEXANDRIA, ATHANASIUS IS ELECTED IN HIS STEAD; DETAILS CONCERNING HIS YOUTH AND EDUCATION, AND HIS FRIEND ANTONY THE GREAT.
ABOUT this period,1 Alexander, bishop of Alexandria, con scious of approaching death, named Athanasius as his successor, in accordance, I am convinced, with the Divine will. It is said that Athanasius at first sought to avoid the honour by flight, but that he was afterwards constrained by Alexander to accept the bishopric. This is testified by Apollinarius, the Syrian, in the following terms : â "In all these matters much disturbance was excited by impiety, but its first effects were felt by the blessed teacher to whom this man was subject as a son would be to his father. Afterwards this holy man him self underwent the same experience, for when appointed to the
subscription to the effect that they did not coincide in the anathemas. See Socrates, Eccl. Hist. i. 9.
1 About five months after the council of Nicaja. according to a state ment of Athanasius in his second apology.
ATIIANASIUS ELECTED BISHOP. 75
episcopal succession, he fled to escape the honour, but he was discovered in his place of concealment by the help of God, who had revealed to his blessed predecessor that the succession was to devolve upon him. For when Alexander was on the point of death, he called upon Athanasius, who was then absent. One who bore the same name, and who happened to be present, on hearing him cail this way, answered him ; but Alexander spoke not to him, but continued calling upon him who was absent. Moreover, the blessed Alexander prophetically ex claimed, " O Athanasius, thou thinkest to escape, but thou wilt not escape ;" meaning that Athanasius would most cer tainly be called to the conflict. Such is the account given by Apollinarius respecting Athanasius.
The Arians assert, that after the death of Alexander, the respective followers of that bishop and of Meletius held com munion together, and fifty-four bishops from Thebes, and other parts of Egypt, assembled together, and agreed by oath to elect a bishop of Alexandria according to their common consent : but that seven 1 of the bishops, in violation of their oath and of the wishes of the other bishops, secretly ordained Athanasius ; and that, on this account, many of the people and of the Egyptian clergy seceded from communion with him. For my part, I am convinced that it was by Divine appointment that Athanasius succeeded to the bishopric, for he was elo quent and intelligent, and capable of opposing the machina tions of his enemies, and, in fact, well suited to the times in which he lived. He displayed great aptitude in the exercise of the ecclesiastical functions, and in the instruction of the peo ple, and was, so to speak, self-taught in these respects. It is said that the following incident occurred to him in his youth. It was the custom of the Alexandrians to celebrate with great pomp an annual festival in honour of one of their bishops, named Peter, who had suffered martyrdom. Alexander, who was then bishop, engaged in the celebration of this festival, and, after having offered up divine service, he remained on the spot, awaiting the arrival of some guests whom he expected to dinner. .In the mean time, he chanced to cast his eyes towards the sea, and perceived some children playing on the shore, and amus-
1 See the synodical epistle of the bishops of Egypt addressed to all catholic bishops, as cited by Athanasius in his second Apology against the Arians, where he refutes this calumny.
76 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF SO/OMEN. [B. II. C. 17.
ing themselves by imitating the ceremonies of the church ; at first he considered the amusement as innocent, and took pleasure in witnessing it, but on finding that the most secret of the mysteries were among their imitation, he became troubled, and communicated the matter to the chief of the clergy. The children were called together, and questioned as to the game at which they were playing, and as to what they did and said, when engaged in this amusement. At first they refused to reply, but on being further pressed by Alexander, they con fessed that Athanasius was their bishop and leader, and that many children who had not been initiated had been baptized by him. Alexander carefully inquired what the bishop of their games was in the habit of saying or doing, and what he taught them. On finding that the exact routine of the church had been accurately observed, he consulted the priests around him on the subject, and decided that it would be un necessary to rebaptize1 those who, in their simplicity, had been judged worthy of Divine grace. He therefore mere ly performed for them such oilices as are inseparably con nected with priestly ministration. He then took Atha nasius, and the other children, who had playfully actec as presbyters and deacons, to their own relations, that they might be brought up for the church, and qualified for the ex ercise of those functions which they had imitated. Not lon< after, he took Athanasius into his service, and employed him as his secretary. He had been well educated, was versed in grammar and rhetoric, and gave evident proofs of learning and wisdom before his election to the bishopric. But when, on the death of Alexander, the succession devolved upon him his reputation was greatly increased, and was sustained by his own private virtues and by the testimony of the monk, An tony the Great. This monk repaired to him when he requestec his presence, visited the cities, accompanied him to the churches, and agreed with him in opinion concerning th< Godhead. He evinced unlimited friendship towards him and avoided the society of his enemies and opponents.
1 See Socrates, Eccles. Hist i. 15. It is right to add that the entiri story is very much suspected by learned writers to be without foundation
MEANING OF THE TERM CON-SUBSTANTIAL.
CHAP. XVIII. â THE ARIANS AND MELETIANS CONFER CELEBRITY
ON* ATHANASIUS ; CONCERNING EUSEBIUS, AND HIS REQUEST TO ADMIT THE ARIANS TO COMMUNION; CONCERNING THE TERM CON-SUBSTANTIAL. CONTEST BETWEEN EUSEBIUS PAMPHILUS AND EUSTATHIUS, BISHOP OF ANTIOCII.
THE reputation of Athanasius was, however, increased by the Arians and Meletians ; for whatever stratagems they re sorted to, they could never succeed in entangling him in their meshes. In the first place, Eusebius wrote to urge him to re ceive the Arians into communion, and threatened, should he refuse to do so, to ill-treat him. But as Athanasius would not yield to his representation, but maintained that those who had devised a heresy in opposition to truth, and who had been condemned by the council of Nice, ought not to be received into the church, Eusebius contrived to interest the emperor in favour of Arius, and so procured his recall from exile. I shall state a little further on how all these events came to pass.
At this period, the bishops had another dispute among themselves, concerning the precise meaning of the term " consubstantial." Some thought that this term could not be admitted without blasphemy ; that it implied the non- existence of the Son of God ; and that it involved the error of Montanus and Sabellius.1 Those, on the other hand, who defended the term, regarded their opponents as Greeks, (or Pagans,) and considered that their sentiments led to a plurality of gods. Eusebius, surnamed Pamphilus, and Eustathius, bishop of Antioch, took the lead in